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EMILE DURKHEIM

The French sociologist, Emile Durkheim, is a key figure in the development of

sociology, and was largely responsible for the transformation of the earlier dif-

fuse philosophy of Comte and others into a systematic discipline. This book

examines his considerable achievements and situates them in their social and

intellectual contexts, with a concise account of the major elements of

Durkheim's sociology. The author discusses the reason for Durkheim's pro-

found influence on subsequent developments in the subject, covers the histori-

cal and political background of his work, and demonstrates his achievement in

setting sociology upon a sound academic base.

The book includes a critical commentary on the four main studies that exem-

plify Durkheim's contribution to sociology: The Division of Labour in Society;

Suicide; The Rules of Sociological Method and The Elementary Forms of Reli-

gious Life.

Kenneth Thompson is Professor of Sociology at the Open University, UK.

He has taught at Bergen University, Smith College, Rutgers University and the

University of California, Los Angeles.

KEY SOCIOLOGISTS

Edited by PETER HAMILTON

Now reissued, this classic series provides students with concise and readable

introductions to the work, life and influence of the great sociological thinkers.

With individual volumes covering individual thinkers, from Emile Durkheim to

Pierre Bourdieu, each author takes a distinct line, assessing the impact of these

major figures on the discipline as well as the contemporary relevance of their

work. These pocket-sized introductions will be ideal for both undergraduates

and pre-university students alike, as well as for anyone with an interest in the

thinkers who have shaped our time.

Series titles include:

EMILE DURKHEIM

Ken Thompson

THE FRANKFURT SCHOOL AND ITS CRITICS

Tom Bottomore

GEORG SIMMEL

David Frisby

MARX AND MARXISM

Peter Worsley

MAX WEBER

Frank Parkin

MICHEL FOUCAULT

Barry Smart

PIERRE BOURDIEU

Richard Jenkins

SIGMUND FREUD

Robert Bocock

EMILE DURKHEIM

Revised Edition

KEN THOMPSON

London and New York

First published 1982 by Ellis Horwood Limited

and Tavistock Publications Limited

Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada

by Routledge

29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001

This revised edition first published 2002

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group

This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2003.

in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or

hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information

storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

A catalog record for this book has been requested

ISBN 0-203-40533-1 Master e-book ISBN

ISBN 0-203-71357-5 (Adobe eReader Format)

ISBN 0-415-28530-5 (Print Edition) (Hbk)

ISBN 0-415-28531-3 (Print Edition) (Pbk)

Table of Contents

Editor's Foreword vii

Editor's Foreword to the Revised Edition ix

Chapter 1 Introduction 1

Chapter 2 Life and Intellectual Background 15

Chapter 3 The Work 33

3.1Introduction 33

3.2Sociology—Its nature and programme 34

3.3Definitions and concepts 41

3.4The Division of Labour in Society 53

3.5The Rules of Sociological Method 72

3.6 Suicide 86

3.7Religion and Knowledge—The Elementary Forms of the

Religious Life

3.8Politics 118

3.9Education 132

Conclusion 135

Bibliography of Durkheim's Major Works 137

Revised Annotated Bibliography of Secondary Sources 140

Index 145

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Editor's Foreword

Durkheim's claim to be a key sociologist must be a strong one. He stands along

with Karl Marx and Max Weber—who also appear as subjects for books in this

series—at the threshold of modern sociology. Durkheim devoted his life to the

work of founding and building a professional sociology in France. He estab-

lished University departments and learned societies, trained students in the theo-

ries and methods of the new science, and directed the publication of a journal

(called L'Année sociologique ) which was the mouthpiece of the sociological

movement. In it the new sociologists could set out their ideas and list the results

of their researches, and of course communicate with all those who took an inter-

est in this new branch of human knowledge.

But Durkheim's indefatigable work in the organisation and institutional devel-

opment of the delicate infant sociology is not, by and large, what he is best

known for. Four major studies have assured him a place in the history of sociol-

ogy's intellectual development: The Division of Labour in Society (1893); The

Rules of Sociological Method (1895); Suicide (1897) and The Elementary

Forms of the Retigious Life (1912). These books alone were enough to assure

his fame, but when set along-side his patient work in coaxing the French educa-

tional system to take sociology seriously, we are able to make out the true

image of a man who was totally dedicated to his science. He provided sociology

in France with both the institutional context and the theories and methods which

assured its survival, and made of it something which excited scholars and

thinkers in other countries. His methods and concepts were rapidly taken up,

especially in the USA and Britain where nascent sociologists were emerging.

But his influence was not only felt where sociology was growing. Hie uses to

which his ideas were put make him a key figure in fields outside of academic

sociology. His extensive work on the sources of social cohesion proved to be of

interest to industrial sociologists and industrial relations experts, who used it to

increase productivity whilst at the same time making many repetitive manual

and clerical jobs less boring.

In the academic world, his influence on the discipline of anthropology and

history was decisive in their movement towards the use of sociological concep-

tions of their subject matter and methods. The so-called 'structuralism' of the

French anthropological school, exemplified at its most impressive by the writ-

ings of Qaude Lévi-Strauss, owes a great deal to the work of Durkheim and his

followers like Mauss, Granet and Lévy-Bruhl, British anthropology was also

heavily influenced by the approaches adopted by the Durkheimians. History too

has felt the impact of methods and ideas which originated with Durkheim. The

immensely influential Annales school of historians, who are largely responsible

for the fact that modern history is more concerned with the features of everyday

life in the epochs which it studies than with the doings of 'great men', was built

on foundations erected by Durkheim. Such writers as Bioch and Febvre in the

early days of the Annales group, and more recently Braudel, Duby and Le Roy

Ladurie (of Montaillou fame) took much of their inspiration from the intellec-

tual drive of l 'Année sociologique.

There can be little doubt that Durkheim's theories and methods have pro-

vided the grounding of a considerable portion of modem sociology. And yet,

like all key figures his work is capable of many 'readings', some of which have

led to uses which he would not always have thought to be correct extensions of

his principles. In this book Kenneth Thompson looks at what Durkheim wrote,

presenting it to us in the light of both its original context and the very widely

varying ways in which subsequent writers and thinkers across a range of disci-

plines have used it. As he points out, Durkheim succeeded in giving to sociol-

ogy its 'academic credibility and influence' at a time when his illustrious fore-

bear, Auguste Comte, had set the infant science an ambitious prospectus and

given it a name but very little else. It could have gone the way of many fanciful

Victorian projects. The fact that it did not is due in large part to the genius and

diligence of Émile Durkheim. Kenneth Thompson explores the genius of

Durkheim in this book, but at the same time shows its context and its limits.

Peter Hamilton

viii EMILE DURKHEIM

Editor's Foreword to the Revised

Edition

Who, now, reads Durkheim? (A famous question, once asked and answered in

the negative, about Herbert Spencer). The answer is that there are many, if we

are to judge by the number of references to his works and books in recent years.

The proof of the lasting significance of Durkheim's ideas lies in the extent to

which they continue to attract interest today, as witnessed by the references to

him in many topical debates and new theoretical developments, not just in

works dealing with the history of ideas.

One direction in which a re-reading of Durkheim's works can be seen to have

had an impact is that of the so-called 'cultural turn' taken by sociology. More

than any other of the classical sociologists, Durkheim has been found to have

provided useful conceptual tools for investigating symbolic structures and pro-

cesses. His insights into the significance in all societies of binary categories,

such as the sacred versus the profane, the pure and the polluted, the 'we' and

the 'other', have promoted not only the structuralist method of analysis, but also

a renewed appreciation of the relative autonomy and causal significance of cul-

tural logics. In other words, contrary to the tendency of some other schools of

sociology, the Durkheimian school does not subordinate culture to social struc-

tural factors. He maintains that, although symbolic systems originally bear the

marks of the social structures in which they originated, once formed they

become relatively autonomous and become causal factors in their own right.

It is not only the cultural analyses in works such as The Elementary Forms of

Religious Life that have provided new sources of inspiration for recent develop-

ments in sociology. Other works that have attracted renewed attention, after

having been neglected earlier, are Professional Ethics and Civic Morals and

The Evolution of Educational Thought. The former has proved particularly rele-

vant to debates about 'civil society', while the latter has contributed to the study

of cultural and institutional change by distinguishing between the production

and selection of new educational ideologies, on the one hand, and the processes

by which they become instititutionalized, on the other. However, it is only since

the revival of interest in the concept of civil society, after the fall of the Com-

munist regimes in 1989 and the beginning of efforts to rebuild the institutions of

civil society there, that fresh attention has been given to Durkheim's political

sociology. Durkheim's studies of the intermediate domains of society and their

contributions to social integration, individual autonomy and willed community,

anticipated many of the elements featured in contemporary debates about civil

society. It is striking to see how much Durkheim's political sociology, which

was once regarded as almost non-existent, or of little contemporary relevance,

is now becoming more widely appreciated. This is particularly true of his dis-

cussion of the distinctions between the administrative, coercive, and intelli-

gence functions of political and state institutions. Also, Durkheim's ideas about

binary codes have been found most useful in analyses of narratives and dis-

courses in the public sphere of civil society, such as the coding of good and evil

during the Watergate crisis and its unfolding as a public drama of ritual cleans-

ing (Alexander, 1988). Another fruitful Durkheimian concept, that has featured

in recent sociology, is that of moments or episodes of 'collective

effervescence'. It has proved particularly useful in the study of nationalism, rev-

olutionary politics, and theories of new social movements, such as Maffesoli's

The Time of the Tribes (1996).

Debates over moral and political values, such as individualism versus com-

munitarianism, especially in America and Britain, as a result of the impact of

pressures from neo-liberalism, have brought to the fore the relevance of

Durkheim's fundamental sociological focus on moral values. It is intriguing to

note that Durkheim, like an influential recent figure, Michel Foucault, focused

on the significance of the development of forms of moral regulation based on

self-governance as characteristic of modern liberal-democratic society (see

Cladis, 1999). This Durkheimian-Foucaultian theme of self-surveillance and

self-governance in liberal society is balanced by the other theme concerning the

revival of sacred bonds and collective effervescence in new social movements,

as described by Maffesoli and other sociologists (Mellor and Shilling, 1997).

Given all the attention that has been devoted to elucidating and applying

Durkheim's ideas since the original publication of this book, the question might

be asked as to whether it is now outdated. It is for others to make that judge-

ment, but it may not be immodest to point out that the approach of the book was

deliberately developed so as to avoid that danger. It takes a broad view of all his

works, not just a few of the most popular ones, and it recognizes the variety of

positions that Durkheim adopted, even where this seems to make him appear

inconsistent. There has been a sustained burst of scholarly publications concern-

ing different aspects of Durkheim's sociology since the original publication of

this book. One of the most productive sources of much of this new Durkheim

literature has been the British Centre for Durkheimian Studies, located in the

Oxford University Institute of Social and Cultural Anthropology, and with

which I have been closely connected from its early days. The extent of the Cen-

tre's contributions can be seen in the revised Annotated Bibliography. I owe a

particular debt of gratitude to its Founder and Director, W.S.F.(Bill) Pickering,

who invited me to share in its work and has never waivered in his devotion to

x EMILE DURKHEIM

building up an international research network. The other person to whom I owe

an intellectual debt, and who first introduced himself to me as a 'fellow

Durkheimian', is Jeffrey Alexander, formerly of U.C.L.A and now at Yale Uni-

versity. Needless to say, neither of these individuals could be expected to agree

with all the intellectual judgements expressed in this book, but they have both

been very generous in their support.

Kenneth Thompson

The Open University

April, 2002.

References

Alexander, Jeffrey C. (1988) 'Culture and political crisis: "Watergate" and

Durkheimian sociology' in Alexander, Jeffrey C. (ed.) Durkheimian Sociol-

ogy: cultural studies, Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University

Press, pp. 187–224.

Cladis, M.S. (ed.) (1999) Durkheim and Foucault: Perspectives on education

and punishment, Oxford: Durkheim Press.

Maffesoli, M. (1996) The Time of the Tribes, London: Sage.

Mellor, P.A. and Shilling, C. (1997) Re-forming the Body: Religion, Commu-

nity and Modernity, London: Sage.

EDITOR'S FOREWORD TO THE REVISED EDITION xi

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Introduction

1.1 INTRODUCTION

There are many versions of the history of sociology, but most concur in placing

its birth in nineteenth century France. Claude Lévi-Strauss, writing in exile in

America at the end of the Second World War, may have been exaggerating only

slightly when he said that modem sociology was born for the purpose of rebuild-

ing French society after the destruction wrought by the French Revolution of

1789 and the Prussian War of 1870–71. The two Frenchmen who did most to

create the discipline were Auguste Comte (1798–1857) in the aftermath of the

Revolution, and Émile Durkheim (1858–1917) after the Franco-Prussian War.

Comte gave the subject its name and an ambitious prospectus; Durkheim gave it

academic credibility and influence.

Despite its early birth, or because of it, sociology in France took a long time

before it grew to anything remotely resembling the stature Comte predicted for

it. Indeed, just as the British economy is said to have suffered from being the

first to industrialize, so too French sociology was reckoned to have paid the

price for its early birth. As Lévi-Strauss said, it suffered from the gap which

existed, at the time of its birth, between the boldness of its theoretical premoni-

tions and the lack of concrete data: "Comte's sociology remained in suspense

between its overwhelming ambitions and the frailty of its positive basis" [1].

One reason why Comte's sociology remained in suspense until Durkheim's

time was that it awaited the outcome of the see-sawing balance of political

forces in France that was not stabilized until late in the nineteenth century. For

the hundred years that followed the Revolution of 1789 the society seemed to

be in constant danger of swinging violently from revolution to dictatorship and

back again. It was an external stimulus that precipitated a resolution of that

uncertainty—France's disastrous defeat in the Franco-Prussian War. After that

experience there was a steady rise to ascendancy of the forces in France that

advocated "modernization" based on science and secular republican principles.

Only on that basis, it was thought, could France be strenghtened and unified to

compete with Germany.

Durkheim was better placed than most to have learned that lesson and to

profit from it. He was born in Epinal, near the German border, and his town was

occupied by German troops during the war when he was twelve. He was also

Jewish, and the defeat led to an outbreak of scapegoatmg antisemitism. Later, in

the 1890s, when there was another outbreak of antisemitism surrounding the

Dreyfus affair, Durkheim wrote recollecting his experience at close quarters of

the way in which Jews had been blamed for defeats [2] . In view of those experi-

ences it is not surprising that he should have put his faith in social science as the

best means of combating irrational prejudices, reactionary privileges and cus-

toms, and as a source of national and rational unity.

The circumstances and character of Durkheim's own education also fitted

him to execute his mission of giving substance to the claims that Comte had

made for sociology. Teachers such as Foustel de Coulanges and Émile

Boutroux at the École Normale Supérieure introduced him to systematic empiri-

cal research and the comparative method, and taught him a philosophy of sci-

ence that made sense of Comte's assertion that sociology could have a legiti-

mate subject-matter of its own. The liberal republicans who eventually rose to

power in the Third Republic after the Prussian War, many of whom were ex-

Normaliens, encouraged Durkheim in his mission. One such was Louis Liard,

the Director of Higher Education, who sent Durkheim to Germany in 1885–86,

with the special mission of reporting on the social sciences in Germany and of

making recommendations that could be acted on in reforming and expanding

French education [3]. Within a few years Durkheim and Durkheimian sociology

were powers in the land, from the Sorbonne in Paris to the lycées of the most

distant provinces. The village school-master, himself schooled in Durkheim's

sociological method, was to be found propagating sociology as an alternative to

the preaching of the Catholic priest. Comte's dream seemed to have been ful-

filled. It was somewhat clouded by the First World War, in which many of

Durkheim's young collaborators, including his son, were killed. Durkheim

never recovered from that setback and died shortly afterwards; there was a terri-

ble irony in the fact that French sociology, which had been brought to maturity

by the German challenge, should in turn be decimated by it. A full recovery did

not take place until after the Second World War, but its survival was helped by

the fact that Durkheim's influence had spread to other disciplines, such as His-

tory, and to sociology abroad.

Another way of explaining the success of Durkheim's sociology is to analyse

it as a class phenomenon, along Marxist lines. It would be something of an

exaggeration to say that sociology grew up in a "debate with Marx's ghost", in

view of the fact that Durkheim did not regard Marxism as a scientific competi-

tor for sociology, but rather as a symptom of the troubled state of society [4].

Durkheim was certainly not engaged in an ideological conflict with intellectual

Marxism. And his engagement with socialism, as we will see later, was com-

2 EMILE DURKHEIM

plex and sympathetic. There is more truth in the observation that educational

patronage and ideological affinity and usefulness to the ascendent political and

class faction helped to establish Durkheimian sociology in France. Even so, it

would be cynical and inaccurate to elevate political opportuneness to the rank of

main causal factor in explaining Durkheim's success. Two other sorts of factors

were at least as important. The first sort might be loosely termed "organiza-

tional" factors. They relate to Durkheim's abilities as leader of an intellectual

school, particularly his achievement in founding a superb scholarly journal,

recruiting and knitting together a group of talented contributors, and drawing up

programmatic statements that shaped the development of sociology in France

and abroad. Secondly, and perhaps the most important factor in his success,

there was the effectiveness of his own works in demonstating that he had devel-

oped an adaptable analytical method capable of being used in a wide variety of

subject-areas.

Durkheim's programme for sociology began to emerge in his very first publi-

cations, which were book reviews in the Revue philosophique, in 1885. Once

again it is clear that the German challenge and example provided a major spur.

In a review of Ludwig Gumplowicz's Grundriss der Soziologie (Outline of

Sociology) Durkheim lamented "how regrettable" it was that sociology, though

French in origin, "should be so little known and so little followed in France",

and that it was becoming "more and more a German science" [5]. In his first

publication, a review of A.Schäffle, Bau und Leben des sozialen Körpers (Struc-

ture and Life of the Social Organism) [6] , he praised those points that agreed

with his own conception of sociology: the use of empirical methods to study

social phenomena; sensitivity to the infinite complexity of the facts; the episte-

mological independence of sociology from biology; and an insistence on the

specific reality of society as more than the sum of its parts, as a "real thing",

analogous to an organism. Where he disagreed with Schäffle, and with a prede-

cessor like Herbert Spencer and his successors in American sociology, was over

the relationship between the individual and society. Schäffle appealed to indi-

vidual reason as the basis for social consensus and social cohesion. For

Durkheim, as a social realist, any emphasis on individual reason and will was

unsociological and unrealistic. Sociology, by his definition, was about social

structuring and structural determinism. It was in this structuring, as for example

in language, that Durkheim found the social facts that constituted the real sub-

ject-matter of sociology. As he put it in the review of Schäffle:

"There exists a social consciousness of which individual consciousnesses

are, at least in part, only an emanation. How many ideas or sentiments are

there which we obtain completely on our own? Very few. Each of us

speaks a language which he has not himself created: we find it ready-

made" [7].

But it was not true, as some critics alleged, that Durkheim's social realism and

INTRODUCTION 3

structuralism entailed a notion of a metaphysical "group mind". He was talking

about an interpenetration of individual consciousnesses by an exchange of

symbols:

"But how are we to conceive of this social consciousness? Is it a simple

and transcendent being, soaring above society? The meta-physician is free

to imagine such an indivisible essence deep within all things! It is certain

that experience shows us nothing of the sort. The collective mind (l'esprit

collectif ) is only a composite of individual minds. But the latter are not

mechanically juxtaposed and closed off from another. They are in perpet-

ual interaction through the exchange of symbols; they interpenetrate one

another. They group themselves according to their natural affinities; they

co-ordinate and systematize themselves" [8].

This conception of consciousness structured by symbolic exchanges was elabo-

rated at length with regard to phenomena such as religion and kinship in the

later work of Durkheim and his nephew Marcel Mauss, and it formed the basis

of the structuralist method made famous by Claude Lévi-Strauss. From an early

stage Durkheim had this idea of developing a structuralist method which would

penetrate and interrelate successive layers of the total social phenomenon. He

envisaged a multi-layered model in which the most accessible surface layers of

structure constituted a social substratum made up of material and organizational

factors, such as geography, population, communication and transport facilities,

architecture, group distribution and organization. But in being scientific, sociol-

ogy would not stop at these surface layers, but go beneath them to disclose their

relations with a deeper layer of social forces—"impersonal norms of thought

and action that preeminently constitute the sociological phenomenon" [9] . It

was a method that had been used unconsciously by some historians, said

Durkheim, but it was the task of sociology to develop it and re-apply it in histor-

ical research:

"Instead of stopping at the exclusive consideration of events that lie at the

surface of social life, there has arisen the need for studying the less obvi-

ous points at the base of it—internal causes and impersonal, hidden forces

that move individuals and collectivities. A tendency to this sort of study

has already been manifested by some historians; but it is up to sociology

to increase consciousness of it, to illuminate and develop it" [10].

As a result of his closer acquaintance with German social thought, gained dur-

ing his visit there in 1886, Durkheim was able to clarify his view of the basic

articulation of these structured layers. In some respects it was similar to Marx's

structuralism, although Durkheim explicitly rejected contemporary charges that

his sociology was little different from the "materialism" and "economic deter-

minism" of Marx. He did admit that he had been introduced to Marx's thought

4 EMILE DURKHEIM

during his stay in Germany, but he said that he had already formed his main

conceptions before this point [12] . However, on certain matters, and when he

thought the evidence warranted it, Durkheim's analysis was similar to that of

Marx. For example, a core dynamic in Durkheim's theory on a topic like that

treated in The Division of Labour in Society, involved the crystallization of pat-

terns of social relations under pressure from the environment, and the succeed-

ing crystallization of moral and cognitive categories and norms from these pat-

terned social relationships. The causal flow was from material substratum (for

example, population density and density of interaction) via group structure (for

example, increased division of labour) to beliefs and norms (for example, the

cult of the individual and contractual law). However, in addition to differing on

many specifics, such as the importance of class conflict, Durkheim was much

more insistent that causal connections ran in both directions between material

substratum and mental phenomena. His objection to what he saw as Marx's eco-

nomic determinism was that it was unscientific in assuming that certain factors

had causal pre-eminence when that could only be a hypothesis. Causal relation-

ships between different layers of social phenomena could only be established by

empirical investigation in each specific case [13].

Durkheim's ideas did not develop in association with political activity. He

had little taste for what he called "la cuisine politique", the world of day to day

politics. He was concerned about politics in the sense of long-term social trends

and the moral bases of social action. But he believed such matters should not be

left to political dogma and trials of strength. The vocation of sociology was to

subject these matters to empirical investigation. That activity could best be car-

ried on in institutions devoted to scholarship and the results disseminated

through scholarly publications. In addition to establishing sociology as a univer-

sity discipline, he secured wider influence for it through the journal he founded,

L'Année sociologique. In fact, it was more than just a means of disseminating

ideas. It functioned as Durkheim's version of the research institutes he had seen

and admired in his investigation of German social sciences. From its first

appearance in 1898, the journal was used as a means for building up sociology

in a number of ways. It drew in specialists from other disciplines as well as

promoting a high level of competence within the main topic areas of sociology

as mapped out by Durkheim. Specialist work was integrated within the master

scheme and by encouraging the use of a common methodology; this was aided

by the fact that Durkheim himself wrote approximately 25% of the articles pub-

lished during his lifetime, and a further 25% were by his two closest disciples,

Bouglé and Mauss [14] . As well as publishing original articles on key sociologi-

cal topics, the journal also provided secondary analyses of published material

on such varied topics as French industrial plants, Bavarian peasant villages, Aus-

tralian tribes, New York slum dwellers, and Sicilian criminals [15] . The interna-

tional dimension was added to the journal's interdisciplinary outreach by virtue

of the large number of foreign language publications reviewed. The awe which

it inspired abroad, especially in countries where sociology was more amateur-

INTRODUCTION 5

ish, was testified to by its opposite number in Britain, the Sociological Review.

In an article published shortly after Durkheim's death, the secretary of the Socio-

logical Society in England proclaimed Durkheim the "leading sociologist of the

world" and spoke of l 'Annéesociologique as "his most notable service to soci-

ology" [16] . And while the American Journal of Sociology came close to por-

traying the Sociological Society in London as a faintly amusing gentlemen's

club, its reviews of l'Année sociologique were more respectful, although

marked by rivalry and disagreement [17].

One of the main intentions of this book is to correct the popular misconcep-

tion of Durkheim as the founder of an ahistorical, conservative theory of society

which came into its own in the expansionist period of American sociology after

the Second World War. We will argue that his legacy is to be found much more

widely dispersed, and that he did more to inculate a sociological perspective

across the spectrum of academic disciplines than any other figure, with the pos-

sible exception of Marx. This contention has been substantiated most strongly

in the case of the discipline of history.

Durkheim devoted much of his preface in the first issue of l'Année soci-

ologique to the subject of the relations between sociology and history. He admit-

ted that, in the past, sociology had not appealed to historians because of "the too

general character of our theories and their inadequate documentation" [18] . He

said he was thinking of the kind of sociological generalizations promulgated by

August Comte and Herbert Spencer. Historians in turn had failed to be scientific

in not adopting a systematic, comparative method, and in failing to analyse phe-

nomena in structural terms. He quoted his old teacher in support of his belief in

the necessary interdependence of the two disciplines: "Fustel de Coulanges was

fond of repeating that true sociology is history: nothing is more incontestable

provided that history is carried on sociologically" [19].

According to Durkheim, the kind of history that was not of interest to sociol-

ogy had the role of individuals (kings, generals, statesmen, and so on) as its

chief object, or which simply retraced in their chronological order a sequence of

events (dynasties, wars, negotiations, and parliamentary events). This was pre-

cisely the kind of history being written in France until the adoption of a struc-

turalist method transformed it, partly under the inspiration of Durkheimian

sociology.

The transformation was brought about by the historians Marc Bloch and

Lucien Febvre, who founded the journal Annales : Economies, sociétés, civilisa-

tions, in 1929, giving rise to the famous Annales School. Bloch and Febvre

admitted that they had been inspired by Durkheim and l'Année sociologique

[20]. And one of the most distinguished subsequent exponents of the Annales

approach, Fernand Braudel, testified to the Durkheimian influence by saying

that "long after the ancient thrust of Auguste Comte (1798–1857), a militant

and almost completely new sociology rose like a sun in France with Emile

Durkheim (1858–1917), and the review he founded in 1897—the quickly

famous Année sociologique, which became a favourite reading matter for an

6 EMILE DURKHEIM

entire generation of young historians, from Lucien Febvre to Marc Bloch,

André Piganiol, and Louis Gernet" [21].

Braudel's own monumental work, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean

World in the Age of Philip II, was a perfect example of Durkheimian sociologi-

cal history. It traced the interrelation of different historical-temporal structures

on several levels of the total social phenomenon that constituted Mediterranean

society over a half century period. He sought to capture structures of change of

different durations, and their intersection, involving factors ranging from geog-

raphy to organizations and "mentalities".

Another example of the true Durkheimian heritage is to be found in the

fusion of Annales history with rural sociology and anthropology in France. It

has excited world-wide admiration and attempted emulation, and its attractive-

ness lies in the way in which it discloses the interrelationships of the different

structural layers in a vivid way:

"For many historians and cultural anthropologists, the most rewarding

aspect of the French approach to the rural world has been the recreation of

a vivid and concrete human existence; not merely the formal design of the

fields, the state of technology, the production and distribution of the fruits

of the land, and the juridical framework that accompanied economic activ-

ities but also the attitudes and values—moeurs and mentalities —of ordi-

nary people in a preindustrial society" [22].

Durkheim resisted the tendency for structuralism to lead to a dull formalism,

which over-emphasized the static and unchanging abstractions. It was for this

reason that he criticized Georg Simmers idea of formal sociology, which

seemed to represent a rival view of the subject, emanating again from Germany.

Durkheim opposed Simmel's view and set out his reasons in a programmatic

statement on "Sociology and its Scientific Field", which he published in the

new Italian journal, Rivista italiana di sociologia, in 1900. He insisted that the

structural method should relate not simply to external forms of association, but

also to the material and intellectual content of collectivities. Furthermore,

although the search for structure presumed a certain degree of stability in social

phenomena, it had to be borne in mind that structures were dynamic and

emerging:

"Structure itself is encountered in becoming, and one cannot illustrate it

except by pursuing this process of becoming. It forms and dissolves con-

tinually; it is life arrived at a certain measure of consolidation; to discon-

nect it from the life from which it derives or from that which it determines

is equivalent to dissociating things that are inseparable" [23].

It will be important to keep in mind this emphasis on history and the emergent

character of structure when we consider the other major version of Durkheim's

INTRODUCTION 7

structuralism which, under the asuspices of Lévi-Strauss, has spread its influ-

ence beyond the social sciences and history and into cultural studies of all

kinds. This type of structuralist analysis is more concerned with "invariance".

Taking as its subject-matter underlying codes and models in culture, Lévi-

Strauss had described its operations as being similar to those that the algebraist

does with equations [24] . "Function" here has more of a mathematical connota-

tion, in contrast to its meaning in the label "structural-functionalism", where it

refers to the contribution a part makes to the whole. Lévi-Strauss has quite

rightly pointed out that Durkheim envisaged this kind of structuralist analysis of

codes when he made the following statement in The Rules of Sociological

Method:

"Myths, popular legends, religious conceptions of all sorts, moral beliefs,

etc., reflect a reality different from the individual's reality; but the way in

which they attract and repel each other, unite or separate, may neverthe-

less be independent of their content and may depend uniquely on their

general quality as representations. Although their substance is different,

they would behave in their mutal relations as do sensations, images, or

ideas, in the individual. Is it not conceivable, for example, that contiguity

and resemblance, logical contrasts and antagonisms, act in the same way,

whatever may be the things they represent?… We need to investigate, by

comparison of mythical themes, popular legends, traditions, and lan-

guages, the manner in which social representations adhere to and repel

one another, how they fuse or separate from one another" [25].

The structuralism of the Annales School and of Lévi-Strauss are both very dif-

ferent from the structural-functionalist sociology which came into prominence

with the expansion of American sociology after the Second World War. It is

ironical that Durkheim's fame should have been boosted by American sociol-

ogy, which had long resisted his influence. The reviews of his works in the

American Journal of Sociology were critical of his "social realism" and his defi-

nition of sociology's subject-matter—social facts, seen as emergent properties

of a collectivity, and characterized by their exteriority and constraint in relation

to the individual [26]. It went against the prevailing individualism of early

American sociology and its tendency to deduce the properties of the group from

the properties of its constituent individuals.

However, Durkheim had more success in influencing British sociology and

anthrophology during his lifetime. At the launching of the Sociological Society

in 1903 the promoters enlisted his sympathy and aid. He sent them one of his

programmatic statements, which they then circulated in summary form to lead-

ing sociologists throughout Europe, eliciting replies that were then discussed at

length [27].

It is one of the quirks of intellectual history that the eventual successful re-

entry of Durkheimian sociology into America was partly in the form of an adap-

8 EMILE DURKHEIM

tation re-exported from Britain. It was taken there by the anthropologist A.R.

Radcliffe-Brown, who went to the University of Chicago for several years in

the early 1930s. Radcliffe-Brown's adaptation was suited to the study of soci-

eties with little if any written history. It lost sight of Durkheim's original prob-

lematic—that of resolving the divisions and problems of a modern industrial

society and of reconciling individualism and social solidarity. Radcliffe-

Brown's structural-functionalism was inspired by Durkheim's studies of reli-

gion and kinship, which was not surprising in view of the fact that those were

the studies in which Durkheim drew mainly on data from pre-industrial soci-

eties. When applied to American society and topics such as social stratification,

as in the work of W.Lloyd Warner and Talcott Parsons, the integrating function

of kinship was still given prominence. Indeed, for Parsons, who did more than

anyone else to promote this structural-functionalist version of Durkheimian

sociology, stratification itself was an integrating function in the social system.

He placed kinship, the fundamental principle of which was solidarity, on a par

with occupation in terms of relevance to stratification in an industrial society

[28]. But Durkheim was quite clear in saying that the family was of declining

importance in modern society and was "becoming an agency secondary to the

state" [29] . His focus included the institutional form of the state and economic

association (in Professional Ethics and Civic Morals) and educational ideolo-

gies associated with rising social classes (in The Evolution of Educational

Thought).

The reputation of Durkheim as a structural-functionalist has tended to

obscure his other contributions. In recent years there has been an explosion of

studies of Durkheim and his sociology, particularly in France. As with Marxian

studies, re-appraisal has been necessitated and facilitated by the posthumous

publication of some of the author's writings. This has added greatly to our

knowledge of his work, and in the case of previously unpublished letters and

papers it has shed new light on Durkheim's activities and opinions. However,

all of this only increases the profusion of different interpretations of his sociol-

ogy which derive from different ways of reading his works. Some scholars have

sought to understand the work in the intellectual and social context of its own

time, others read it in terms of their own personal and political concerns.

Another approach has been to examine the work for its contribution to certain

theories, thematic ideas, or problems regarded as currently constitutive of the

discipline of sociology. This latter strategy was followed by Parsons and has

been admitted to by another influential commentator, LaCapra [30] . In such a

way a discipline may constitute itself, reducing the texts to fit in with some dis-

ciplinary paradigm, rather than examining them on their own terms and in their

original context. We will find that these reductive readings are contested by the

"founding" texts themselves in significant ways. Such readings may have ren-

dered the texts more operational for organized research, but it has been at the

cost of making them less multifaceted and less critical.

Used judiciously, both these approaches can add something to the understand-

INTRODUCTION 9

ing of founding works such as those of Durkheim. In order to understand what

Durkheim was advocating it is necessary to be aware of what he was against,

and that entails placing his thought in the context of his time and taking account

of his private expressions of opinion in letters and reported conversations. In

this respect we are fortunate now in having available previously unknown let-

ters, some of which were made public for the first time in the Revue francaise

de sociologie (1976 and 1979). It also adds to our appreciation of his achieve-

ment to trace the ways in which he influenced or anticipated later developments

in sociology, without trying to squeeze his intellectual development in the direc-

tion of some present-day paradigm, which is a criticism that has been levelled

against Parsons. This book will attempt to get the best out of both these strate-

gies. Firstly, it will take account of the latest findings on the texts, their context,

and information on Durkheim's life and opinions. Secondly, we will consider

Durkheim's work critically in the light of subsequent developments.

However, we are aware that there can be no "innocent" reading of texts, as

the French Marxist Louis Althusser made clear in his Reading 'Capital' (with E.

Balibar)[31] . In the following chapters we will provide a generally sympathetic

reading of Durkheim's texts, but it is a sympathy cultivated for the purpose of

understanding his work, not for advocating total conversion to his point of view.

Rather than responding to this problem about reading texts by making only gen-

eral statements, as though attempting an "innocent" reading by cultivating

vagueness, we will plead guilty to the following tendencies in reading Durkheim:

Politically, he does not fit easily under current labels. Some commentators

take a wholly negative view of his politics and label him as a conservative apol-

ogist for the status quo and a defender of bourgeois interests [32]. Others label

him as a socialist [33] . We will try to avoid labelling him, but rather examine

his positions on specific issues. This will involve making judgements about the

degree of commitment that he had to specific causes, doctrines, and reforms.

His most important commitment was to educational reform, that at least is clear.

He made statements from time to time about the need to reduce inequalities, and

spoke of the need to abolish the inheritance of private property. He had a theory

of politics that overlapped with socialism; he associated with and encouraged

socialists; but he did not commit himself to socialism. To the extent that he was

anti-Marxist, it was based on an opposition to what he took to be unscientific

Marxism then current in France, which was economic determinist, and his scorn

for the sectarian Marxist groups. He made important contributions to "corpora-

tive theory" and to the movement for "solidarist syndicalism" [34] . We will see

that this contribution is now topical again in view of the revival of interest in

theories of corporatism. (By corporatism is meant a political structure which

integrates organized socio-economic producer groups, which control their own

sectors of the economy in partnership with the State, as in the case of British

agriculture and the National Farmers Union). Durkheim was interested in devel-

oping corporatism in a more democratic direction, and as a buffer between the

individual and the State. A recent full-length study by Filloux, Durkheim et le

10 EMILE DURKHEIM

socialisme (1977), concludes that "The originality of Durkheim was to situate

the corporative system in the general theory of democracy and of socialism" [35].

Intellectually, he will be judged to have made the greatest contribution of any

single individual to the development of sociology as a scholarly discipline. By

any standard Durkheim's scholarly achievement must be judged impressive. At

the age of forty he had already written three of the classic texts of sociology—

The Division of Labour in Society, The Rules of Sociological Method, and Sui-

cide. Each of these works demonstrated the sociological method for disclosing

relationships between different layers of the total social phenomenon. In the

Division of Labour it was relationships between such factors as population den-

sity (including density of interactions), specialization of functions, and the legal

and penal system. In the Rules he discussed the method in more detail and with

illustrations from the division of labour and suicide. Suicide itself demonstrated

that the most complex structural relationships could be plotted by using an

empirical indicator such as differential suicide rates. The underlying theme, as

in the other works, was the way in which structural relationships affect the level

of social integration. Low suicide rates revealed a "healthy" level of integration;

high suicide rates revealed pathological states.

In his last great work, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, Durkheim

gave his most compelling demonstration of the structuralist method, tracing rela-

tionships between social organization, religious beliefs, and such fundamental

categories of thought as space, time, and causation. He seemed to have brought

about the "sociologization of everything".

Despite the cosmic implications, Durkheim's sociology was, like the man

himself, cool and analytical. There was none of the prophetic flavour that is to

be found in Marx's writings, nor the torment of Max Weber's vision of man

caught in the iron cage of bureaucratic society. Durkheim focused on a limited

number of subjects and dealt with them from many angles. The fascination of

his approach lies in its capacity to surprise. He penetrates to the deeper layers of

structure by way of the most oblique routes. And we are surprised to discover

how far we have advanced in our understanding after following him down these

by-ways. Sometimes the going is dull, but then he will suddenly produce para-

doxes that revive our interest. If the subject is the division of labour—a weighty

topic that can become all too heavy—it is a relief to be teased with the sugges-

tion that punishment of crime is designed to act more on the law-abiding citizen

than on the criminal [36]. When feeling depressed by the subject-matter of Sui-

cide, it is thought-provoking to come across the proposition that marriage is

harmful to women (without children) if we are to judge from the different sui-

cide rates [37] . In The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, a painstaking

account of totemism among Australian aborigines and American indians brings

us face to face with the possibility that God is society, and that our basic ideas

of time, space, and causation may reflect past and present social organization

[38].

None of these statements is imposed on the reader as a sweeping assertion,

INTRODUCTION 11

but couched as a sociological hypothesis with a sample of empirical supporting

evidence. By such means Durkheim succeeded in establishing the positive basis

that Comte's sociology lacked.

REFERENCES

[1] Claude Lévi-Strauss, "French Sociology", in Goerges Gurvitch and Wilbert

E.Moore (eds.), Twentieth Century Sociology, New York, Philosophical

Library Inc., 1945, 503–537, p. 505. Cf. on Comte's prospectus for sociol-

ogy, Kenneth Thompson, Auguste Comte: The Foundation of Sociology,

London, Thomas Nelson, 1976.

[2] Cf. Durkheim's contribution in H.Dagan, Enquete sur l'antisémitisme,

Paris, P.V.Stock, 1899, pp. 59–63.

[3] Marcel Mauss, "Th. Ribot et les sociologues", in Centennaire de Théodul

Ribot, Jubile de la psychologie scientifique francaise, Paris, Agen, 1939,

137–8, p. 138.

[4] E.Durkheim, Review of G.Richard, Le Socialisme et la science sociale, in

Revue philosophique, XLIV, 1897, pp. 200–205,

[5] Durkheim, Review of L.Gumplowicz, Grundriss der Soziologie, in Revue

philosophique, 20, 1885, pp. 627–34, p. 627.

[6] Durkheim, Review of A.Schäffle, Bau und Leben des sozialen Körpers:

Enter Band, Revue philosophique, XIX, 1885, pp. 84–101.

[7] Ibid, translation in Mark Traugott (ed.), Emile Durkheim on Institutional

Analysis, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1978, p. 102.

[8] Ibid, p. 103.

[9] Durkheim, "Sociology and Its Scientific Field", in Kurt, H.Wolff (ed.),

Emile Durkheim et al, Essays on Sociology and Philosophy, New York,

Harper and Row, 1960, 355–75, p. 369. (Originally published as "La soci-

ologia ed il suo dominio scientifico" in Rivista Italiana di Sociologia, IV,

1900, pp. 127–48.

[10] Ibid., p. 373.

[11] Durkheim, The Rules of Sociological Method, trs. by S.A.Solovay and J.H.

Mueller, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1938, pp. XXXIX–XLIII.

(Originally published as Les Règles de la méthode sociologique, Paris

Alcan, 1895).

[12] Review of Antonio Labriola, Essais sur la conception matérialiste de l 'his-

toire, in Revue philosophique, 44, 1897, pp. 645–51, translation from Trau-

gott, op. cit., p. 127.

[13] Ibid, p. 130.

[14] Thomas, M.Dando, "L'Année sociologique: From Durkheim to Today",

Pacific Sociological Review, 19, 1976, pp. 147–74.

[15] Cf. Terry N.Clark, Prophets and Patrons: The French University and the

12 EMILE DURKHEIM

Emergence of the Social Sciences, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University

Press, 1973, p. 183.

[16] "Emile Durkheim" in Sociological Review, X, 1, 1918, p. 54; and Victor

Branford, "Durkheim: A Brief Memoir", SociologicalReview X, 2, 1918,

77–82, p. 77.

[17] See the reviews of L'Année sociologique by Albion Small in American

Journal of Sociology, V, 1899, p. 124; III, 1898, p. 700; VI, 1900, pp. 276–

7; VIII, 1902, pp. 277–8; XI, 1905, pp. 132–3. See the slightly ironical edi-

tors' footnotes accompanying a report of a discussion at the London Socio-

logical Society, in AJS, X, 1, 1904, pp. 120–26. As an example of rivalry

between the conceptions of sociology held by the AJS and L 'Année, and of

the status competition, see Albion Small's review of L 'Année in AJS, XI,

1905, pp. 132–33.

[18] "Prefaces to L'Année Sociologique" in Wolff, op. cit., 341–53, p. 342.

[19] Ibid, p. 343.

[20] Cf. R.Colbert Rhodes, "Emile Durkheim and the Historical Thought of

Marc Bloch", Theory and Society, 5, 1, 1978, pp. 45–73.

[21] Fernand Braudel, "Personal Testimony", Journal of Modern History, 44, 1,

1972, 448–67, p. 456.

[22] Robert Forster and Orest Ranum (eds.), Rural Society in France: Sections

from the Annales Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations, Baltimore, John Hop-

kins University Press, 1977, p. vii.

[23] "Sociology and its Scientific Field", in Wolff, op. cit., 354–75, p. 362.

[24] Claude Lévi-Strauss, Structural Anthropology, 2, New York, Basic Books,

1976, p. 24.

[25] Author's Preface to Second Edition of The Rules… , op. cit., p. I.

[26] See the following reviews: G.Tosti, "The Delusions of Durkheim's Socio-

logical Objectivism" , American Journal of Sociology, IV, 1898, pp. 171–

77; Tosti, "Suicide in the Light of Recent Studies", AJS, III, 1898, pp. 464–

78.

[27] Durkheim (with E.Fauconnet), "Relation of Sociology to the Social Sci-

ences and to Philosophy" in Sociological Papers, 1904, and reprinted in the

Sociological Review, X, 2, 1918, pp. 77–82.

[28] Cf. Talcott Parsons, "Social Classes and Class Conflict in the Light of

Recent Sociological Theory", in his Essay sin Sociological Theory, New

York, Free Press, 1964, pp. 323–35. In addition to developing the structural-

functionalist version of Durkheim after the Second World War, Parsons had

also provided an influential reinterpetation of Durkheim's sociology in T.

Parsons, The Structure of Social Action, New York, McGraw-Hill, 1937.

[29] Durkheim, Moral Education, New York, Free Press, Paperback edn. 1973,

p. 75.

[30] Parsons, op. cit., 1937; Dominick LaCapra, "Rethinking Intellectual History

and Reading Texts", in History and Theory, XIX, 3, 1980, pp. 245–76, and

INTRODUCTION 13

his Emile Durkheim: Sociologist and Philosopher, Ithaca, Cornell Univer-

sity Press, 1972.

[31] London, New Left Books, 1970. Two readings of Durkheim's sociology

which reveal the influence of Althusser are: G.Therborn, Science, Class and

Society, London, New Left Books, 1976, and Paul Q.Hirst, Durkheim,

Bernard and Epistemology, London and Boston, Routledge and Kegan

Paul, 1975.

[32] Cf. Irving M.Zeitlin, Ideology and the Development of Sociological Theory,

Englewood Cliffs, N.J., Prentice-Hall, 1968; Joseph, R. Llobera,

"Durkheim, the Durkheimians and their collective misrepresentation of

Marx", Social Science Information, 19 , 2, 1980, pp. 385–411. A commen-

tary which provides a sympathetic account of conservative elements in

Durkheim's sociology is Robert A.Nisbet, The Sociology of Emile

Durkheim, New York, Oxford University Press, 1974.

[33] Cf. Terry N.dark, 1973, op. cit., p. 190, and Jean-Claude Filloux, Durkheim

et le socialisme, Geneva and Paris, Librairie Droz, 1977.

[34] M.H.Elbow, French Corporative Theory, 1789–1948, New York, Columbia

University Press, 1953; J.E.S.Hayward, "Solidarist Synicalism: Durkheim

and Duguit", Sociological Review, 8 , 1959, pp. 17–36 and 185–202.

[35] Filloux, op. cit., p. 350.

[36] The Division of Labour in Society, New York, Free Press paper-back edn.,

1964, p. 108.

[37] Suicide, Glencoe, Ill., Free Press, 1951, pp. 188–9.

[38] The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, New York, Free Press, paper-

back edn., 1965, p. 257 and 21–25.

14 EMILE DURKHEIM

Life and Intellectual Background

Durkheim is often ranked alongside Marx and Weber to form a triumvirate of

key figures whose influence on the development of sociology is unparalleled.

To many sociologists he epitomizes the founding father figure in academic soci-

ology. Unlike Marx or Weber he actually defined his vocation in terms of a mis-

sion to develop sociology as an accepted and esteemed discipline within the

university world, and he identified closely with that professional role. It is the

key to his character and to his work. With regard to his character, Marcel Mauss

described him as "the professional conscience personified" [1] . Furthermore, in

terms of professional priorities, he sacrificed many of his own projects (includ-

ing, unfortunately, a projected book on current developments in socialist

thought, which included Marxism), to the founding and editing of l'Année soci-

ologique. He was convinced that the journal, by its scope and scholarship, could

do more for the establishment of sociology than any single work. In the preface

to the second edition of his own work, The Rules of Sociological Method, he

was able to report that:

"It is nonetheless true that, in recent years, in spite of opposition, the

cause of objective, specific, and methodological sociology has gained

ground continuously. The founding of the Année sociologique has cer-

tainly contributed much to this result. Because it embraces the entire field

of the science, the Année has been able, better than any more limited

enterprise, to establish a standard which sociology must, and will,

achieve" [2].

It is worth emphasizing the professional orientation of Durkheim and viewing

his life and work within that context not only because that accords with his own

view of himself, but also because there are few intimate or revealing pieces of

information available that would justify giving prominence to any other slant.

The most revealing psychological assessment of Durkheim by a friend, Georges

Davy, simply serves to support this view of him as devoted to the academic life,

which "perhaps even went to the point of preventing him from enjoying without

scruples any pleasure except the Spinoza-like joy which is brought by enthusi-

asm for an idea" [3]. An anecdote that confirms the portrait of Durkheim as an

austerely dedicated academic is to the effect that his nephew and collaborator,

Mauss, when a mature scholar, once hid in fright when, sitting drinking coffee

at a cafe opposite the Sorbonne, he saw his uncle approaching. His fear was that

Durkheim would chastise him for not working.

Durkheim's devotion to the academic life and to developing sociology can be

understood in terms of biographical facts without recourse to much psychologi-

cal speculation. He was originally expected to follow in his father's footsteps

and become a rabbi, and to this end he attended rabbinical school for a time.

Why he gave up this intention and how he lost his Jewish religious belief is not

known. The only religious incident during his schooldays that has been

recorded concerns a brief mystical experience that he went through under the

influence of a Catholic schoolmistress. From this point on his main striving was

for academic success. His chosen path does not seem to have been an easy one

at first. He had all the anxieties of a bright boy from a religious family of mod-

est means and who is imbued with a high sense of responsibility and vocation,

and an ambition to succeed. In his early years as a student in Paris he seems to

have lived in fear of failure, or at least of not meeting the expectations people

had of him. Despite his brilliant record at secondary school in Epinal, when sent

to Paris to prepare for the examination to gain entrance to the Ecole Normale

Superieur he failed two years in succession and succeeded only at the third

attempt. He then became one of the outstanding students at ENS, but in his final

year he developed a serious skin disease that often has psychosomatic origins,

and finished in next to last place in the agrégation (the qualifying examination

for teaching posts in French high schools) [4].

Durkheim does not appear to have been very happy at ENS even though for-

mer fellow students' remarks indicate that he was always in the centre of argu-

ments and debates. The famous philospher, Henri Bergson, who was a year

ahead of Durkheim during their time there, is the source for a critical remark

that has gained widespread currency, to the effect that Durkheim was always

propounding theories, and when told that the facts contradicted them, replied

that the facts were wrong [5] . However, Bergson's highly speculative, vitalist

philosphy, was precisely the kind of unscientific doctrine that Durkheim vehe-

mently opposed, and it is ironical that the charge of ignoring the facts should

come from that source. Even as students there must have been rivalry and

incompatibility of views between Bergson and Durkheim, and this may account

for the story. There were frequent debates, sometimes arranged by the profes-

sors, who wished to test the students against each other. One such was between

Bergson and Jean Jaurès, the future socialist leader, and close friend of

Durkheim [6].

In some ways ENS was a disappointment to Durkheim, and he had ambiva-

lent feelings about his time there. Although he valued the opportunities it

offered for serious study, and he later sent his son André there, during his own

16 EMILE DURKHEIM

period in residence he resented the classical and literary bias to the studies and

the general air of snobbery of an intellectual elite. As one of his fellow students,

Holleaux, later recollected:

"I have seen him ardently wishing for the end of the year, the vacaction

time, the moment he would be allowed to live again among 'good simple

people' (his own expression). Being absolutely simple, he detested all

affection. Being deeply serious, he hated a flippant tone" [4].

However, although Durkheim may have been disappointed in the content of

some of the teaching, he was clearly greatly concerned with the serious political

and social issues that were being debated in ENS. Jaurès admitted that it was

Durkheim who nudged him towards a greater preoccupation with social prob-

lems [6] . This was the period of struggle to establish the Third Republic on a

democratic basis and to undertake social reconstruction, particularly through the

provision of free, secular education. The two outstanding leaders in this strug-

gle, Léon Gambetta and Jules Ferry, had both been greatly influenced by the

sociology of Comte, as mediated through his follower Emil Littré, who acted as

the mentor of the younger republican generation that came to leadership in the

1870s [7]. Gambetta spoke of Comte as the greatest thinker of the century and

used him as an authority when advocating the teaching of science in the elemen-

tary schools of France. Ferry, for his part, confessed that Comte's philosophy

came as a revelation to him. Durkheim seems to have identified with their posi-

tion from an early stage, as did many of those with his kind of background.

Many other influences were to shape Durkheim's intellectual and political

orientation, but none was more important than this initial exposure to a fusion

of Comtist sociology and reformist republicanism. Its effect was to bring him to

a similar view of the relation between sociology and politics as that which Littré

had formed in adapting Comte's teachings. Indeed, it might be said that

Durkheim modified and developed Comte's sociology as Littré had adapted the

political implications of his teaching. Littré showed that Comte's attempt to

guide political policies with principles drawn from sociology need not, as they

did in Comte's own case, lead to authoritarianism. Durkheim, under the guid-

ance of his teacher Émile Boutroux, at ENS, was led to a closer reading of

Comte's sociology and set about purging it of some of the dogmatism that had

brought it into disrepute in academic circles. From Boutroux and Comte he took

the notion that the field of each science was irreducible to that of any other, and

so sociology could not be reduced to a biologically-based psychology, just as

biology could not be reduced to the physico-chemical sciences. Sociology had

to have its own distinctive subject-matter and principles of explanation.

Another important influence on the development of Durkheim's thought dur-

ing his time at ENS was the philosopher Charles Renouvier, who was also a

major influence on the thinking of liberal republicans in the last decades of the

nineteenth century. The ideas that attracted Durkheim were Renouvier's uncom-

LIFE AND INTELLECTUAL BACKGROUND 17

promising rationalism, his central concern with morality and the need to study it

scientifically, his modification of Kant's ideas into what he called 'criticism':

an attempt to reconcile determinism in the world of matter with the concept of

human freedom and morality. He taught that there existed a real, phenomenal

world, bound together according to natural laws, and by necessary connections

such as cause and effect. But man must be understood as a rational, self-

determining being who stood outside the phenomenal sequence in respect to his

moral decisions and moral freedom. Progress through mastery over nature was

possible, but conditional on moral progress based on man's mastery over him-

self and his own actions. 'Criticism', as a method, involved an analysis of rea-

son and of the nature of the world, which in turn required much historical

research [8] .

Renouvier thus combined a concern with the dignity and autonomy of the

individual and a theory of social cohesion based on the individual's sense of

unity with and dependence on others. Durkheim's subsequent opposition to the

powerful doctrines of utilitarianism, which were dominant in contemporary eco-

nomic and political theories, particularly those emanating from Britain, was

derived in part from Renouvier's preference for principles of justice over those

of utility, and a denial that the former could be derived from the latter. Renou-

vier's view that contemporary society was in a state of war led him to advocate

that the State should perform the role of establishing justice in the economic

sphere, and to complement this he advocated associations independent of the

State, such as producers' cooperatives. Like all the liberal and radical republi-

cans he emphasized the need for secular education in state schools. Durkheim

took over Renouvier's purpose of reconciling the sacredness of the individual,

and respect for individual dignity, with social solidarity.

Lukes has pointed out that there may be a more fundamental respect in which

Renouvier may have influenced Durkheim [9]. Renouvier interpreted and devel-

oped Kant's view that reason, and particularly categories of thought, are given a

priori, in such a way as to stress the role of will and choice in establishing the

fundamental principles that govern our experience. Renouvier's view of knowl-

edge and reason (his epistemology) implied that categories of thought such as

space, time, substance, cause, etc., could be other than they were. Durkheim

developed this into a sociological epistemology which implied that categories

ordering thought and experience varied from society to society and were

socially determined. This position was developed by Durkheim in his essay

with Marcel Mauss, Primitive Classification, and in his The Elementary Forms

of the Religious Life.

In addition to these philosophical influences, Durkheim assimilated the exam-

ple of his history teachers at ENS, Gabriel Monod and Fustel de Coulanges.

Their rigorous historical methods made a great impression on him, and this was

reflected in his own view of the need of sociology to shake off the reputation of

unsubstantiated generalization, which derived from the writings of Spencer and

Comte. Monod's course surveying the institutions of ancient France was full of

18 EMILE DURKHEIM

references to specialist works and yet still managed to summarize this scientific

work in a clear account. Durkheim's own later lectures on the history of educa-

tion in France had the same characteristics, as can be seen in the posthumously

published book, The Evolution of Educational Thought: Lectures on the Forma-

tion and Development of Secondary Education in France.

For Fustel de Coulanges, the author of The Ancient City, history was a sci-

ence, and the historian had to seek to shed all personal preconceptions when

analysing historical data. This was to be echoed in Durkheim's promulgation of

the rubric of sociological method to the effect that the sociologist must systemat-

ically discard all preconceptions and abstain from using concepts formed out-

side science and for purposes that had nothing to do with science:

"He must emancipate himself from the fallacious ideas that dominate the

mind of the layman; he must throw off, once and for all, the yoke of these

empirical categories, which from long continued habit have become tyran-

nical" [2] , p. 32.

Fustel de Coulanges also drew a distinction between the history of events and

the history of institutions, and Durkheim was to develop this latter into a core

element of sociology, which, in one of his definitions, he called "the science of

institutions, their genesis and functioning" [2] , p. Ivi.

In The Ancient City extensive attention was paid to the institution of religion,

especially the role of the ancestor cult in Greece and Rome; and its emphasis on

the "sacred", and on the part played by ritual in establishing social bonds, was

taken up by Durkheim in his The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life.

By the time of his agrégation in 1882 he had already formed an idea of the

general topic on which he wished to do research for his principal doctoral thesis

(he was required to write a shorter thesis in Latin, which he devoted to Mon-

tesquieu); it was to be on the relations between individualism and socialism.

Subsequently the theme became somewhat modified and eventually appeared in

its finished form as The Division of Labour in Society, but it is significant that

even in its earlier form as an analysis of theories, it was concerned with social

issues. This was due to Renouvier's influence, focusing philosophy on social

and moral issues, as we have mentioned, but also it was due to Durkheim's natu-

ral inclination to give philosophy a sociological cast, which was accentuated by

his involvement in the political debates of the time as they spilled over into the

academic world. His interest in the question of the relationship of individualism

and socialism arose out of his discussion with Jaurés and other friends at ENS.

As a result he was led to study the writings of Comte's mentor (and sometime

employer) Henri Saint-Simon, one of the first socialist thinkers, whose work

had an effect on the development of Marx's ideas [10] . Later, Durkheim was to

say that Saint-Simon had not received sufficient credit from Comte and his fol-

lowers for the extent to which his ideas had influenced Comte, and so sown the

seed for the growth of sociology. Durkheim drew on Saint-Simon's ideas in

LIFE AND INTELLECTUAL BACKGROUND 19

developing his own thinking about the economic institutions in industrial soci-

ety and the need for new forms of social and political organization that would

take account of their centrality. It has been suggested that in going back to Saint-

Simon's formulations, Durkheim was attempting a synthesis of the rival Marx-

ist and Comtean views, combining the Comtean focus on regulating moral

norms with the Marxian focus on economic institutions [11] . Durkheim's even-

tual proposal for occupational corporations that would provide moral regulation

and own the capital confiscated in the abolition of inheritance of wealth

amounted to a combination of Comtean moral rejuvenation and economic recon-

struction compatible with socialist principles [12].

Durkheim made it quite clear that he regarded Saint-Simon as the inspirer of

both sociology and socialism, although he gave Comte credit for having sepa-

rated science from practice and so avoided Saint-Simon's tendency of rushing

into hasty applications of the science before it was sufficiently established.

Durkheim expressed regret that Comte and his followers, except Littré, had not

given Saint-Simon sufficient credit. He was the first to free himself of the preju-

dices that had prevented men from submitting themselves to scientific study and

to have outlined a positive (i.e. scientific) philosphy and sociology that would

enable them to do this. In paying tribute to this achievement by Saint-Simon,

Durkheim powerfully expressed his own aspiration for, and vision of, the voca-

tion of sociology:

"To add a science to the list of sciences is always a very laborious opera-

tion, but more productive than the annexation of a new continent to old

continents. And it is at once much more fruitful when the science has man

for its object. It almost had to do violence to the human spirit and to tri-

umph over the keenest resistance to make it understood that in order to act

upon things it was first necessary to put them on trial. The resistance has

been particularly stubborn when the material to be examined was our-

selves, due to our tendency to place ourselves outside of things, to

demand a place apart in the universe" [10] , pp. 142–3.

It is not clear how knowledgeable Durkheim was about sociology when he left

ENS. He had read some of Comte's work and was sympathetic to the idea of

"positivism" in the sense of studying social phenomena in the same scientific

and objective manner as that used in the study of nature, and also in the sense of

being opposed to the "negativism" of Englightenment philosphy to the extent

that it engaged in the criticisms of institutions without promoting positive social

reconstruction. But his real education in sociology seems to have taken place in

the first few years after leaving ENS and whilst he was teaching at lycees in the

area around Paris. By 1884 his ideas had progressed as far as the first plan of

what was to become The Division of Labour in Society . The topic finally

became defined as "the relations of the individual personality to social solidar-

ity", and by the time of its first draft in 1886 he had come to see that "the solu-

20 EMILE DURKHEIM

tion to the problem belonged to a new science: sociology" [10] . In this period

he set himself the task of establishing that science, of "giving it a method and a

body" [10] . What had begun as a study of the relationship between individual-

ism and socialism now became part of a project to establish a new science, soci-

ology, and "the study of socialism was consequently interrupted" [10] . He did

not go back to the study of socialism until he was teaching at the University of

Bourdeaux, in 1895, and then he was so much the professional sociologist that

he treated socialism simply in terms of giving a sociological explanation of

socialist ideology, analyzing the social pressures that brought about its emer-

gence [10] , p. 33.

His first publication appeared whilst he was still a Ivcée teacher, in 1885, and

it was a review of Schäffle's Bau und Leben des sozialen Körpers . The signifi-

cance of this review, which Durkheim chose to do even though the book had

been in print for some years, lies in the fact that it obviously provided him with

an opportunity to set forth his own newly-developed conception of sociology. In

Schäffle's work he had found his major concerns crystallized into a sociological

analysis of contemporary society and a persuasive vindication of sociology

itself. In many respects he was able to adopt Schäffle's views as his own. The

"theoretical scaffolding", as he called it, was provided by the analogy between

the biological and the social organism. This "organicist" framework implied the

unity or solidarity of the collectivity over the individual part or member. This

was a convenient shift in view for late nineteenth century thought from the eigh-

teenth and early nineteenth century view which was couched in more universal-

istic terms. Where the earlier view saw social questions in terms of the individ-

ual in relation to "mankind" or "humanity", the organicist approach took the

nation state as the societal whole on which it focused. The organicist framework

was particularly relevant for French social thinkers after 1871 because it

enabled them to contrast the political and ideological disunity of France with

the theoretical solidarity of the French nation as an organic whole. It was a use-

ful framework in another sense, and that was for Durkheim's purpose of getting

acceptance of the need to study society scientifically. The organicist analogy

served the function of implying that society was part of nature and should be

studied by methods equivalent to those of the natural sciences. Although

Durkheim made extensive use of the analogy in his early work, especially The

Division of Labour, even in his review of Schäffle he was conscious of the lim-

ited usefulness of this "scaffolding" and asked: "Is it not time to tear them down

in order to face things as they really are." In his later work he sought to do just

that, phrasing his explanations in terms of causal factors or functional relation-

ships, stripped of the earlier constant references to relationships between organs

of the body as though that analogy was enough to explain the functioning of

social phenomena. In his review of Schäffle, Durkheim maintained that sociol-

ogy could not be reduced to biology because societies are united by ideal rather

than material bonds, and the source of ideological unity is the collective

conscience.

LIFE AND INTELLECTUAL BACKGROUND 21

Durkheim's reviews brought him to the attention of the authorities, and Louis

Liard, the Director of Higher Education, offered him a government scholarship

to visit German universities in the academic year 1885–6.

Durkheim was greatly impressed with what he found in Germany, but his

subsequent articles about it further established his reputation in the eyes of the

educational authorities in France and led to his appointment to a teaching posi-

tion at the University of Bordeaux in 1887. What so impressed him about the

work of scholars such as Alfred Wagner, Gustav Schmoller, von Jhering,

Schäffle, and Wundt, was that they had developed a social scientific approach

to the study of ethics and, by relating morals to economics, the law, and other

institutions, had demonstrated the social grounding and interconnected ness of

these phenomena. In effect they had reasserted the social character of phenom-

ena such as economics and ethics, and this was an important counterblast

against the prevailing individualistic and utilitarian approach of economics and

the sociology of Herbert Spencer, which were such a powerful ideological

force. The so-called "economists of the chair" in Germany, including Wagner

and Schmoller, reacted against the orthodox liberal economics of the time,

which deduced laws from an abstract model of the market-place, in which the

individual made rational economic choices, and where the state should not inter-

fere and ethical considerations were irrelevant. Against this they put forward

social theories that were inductive, social-ethical, and interventionist. The

development of sociology at the end of the nineteenth century was very much

affected by this reaction against the old political economy, which now seemed

inadequate to deal with the rise of big corporations, class conflict, national rival-

ries, and the need for national unity and reconstruction.

Like Marx, Durkheim charged that the orthodox liberal economic theories

that had been in the ascendant until the 1870s were ideological rather than scien-

tific. They were ideological in that they took their basic concepts from the popu-

lar prejudices of the time, rather than developing them scientifically. Also,

explanation of social events should be sought, not in terms of individuals'

motives and intentions, but in terms of social structural causes that often

escaped consciousness. As Durkheim put it in reviewing a Marxist work:

"We believe it is a fertile idea that social life should be explained not by

the conceptions of those who participate in it, but by profound causes

which escape consciousness; and we also think that these causes must

principally be sought in the way in which associated individuals are

grouped" [13].

At the time of his visit to Germany Durkheim can be seen to have already

begun to formulate this social structuralist method of analysis. It can be seen in

his exposition of Wilhelm Wundt's Ethik, which comprises nearly half of his

article on moral science in Germany [14] . Durkheim maintained that Wundt

broke with the rationalist approach to ethics by showing that reason is insuffi-

22 EMILE DURKHEIM

cient to explain moral ideas because they were not formed rationally. According

to Wundt's "Law of the heterogenity of ends" any action produces a trail of

unintended and unforeseen consequences which actually determine the moral

value of the action. Thus there is a discontinuity between (rational) motives and

(unpredictable) results; as a result of this the analysis of rational intentions is

likely to be misleading and irrelevant when studying morality. It is necessary to

focus on the results—the actual functioning—of morality in society. Similarly,

Wundt's approach made clear that social explanation of moral phenomena had

to treat them as facts of social existence, sui generis. It had to avoid the errors

of methodological individualism; social customs and mores were irreducible in

their origin and operation to individual acts. The goal of developing a sociology

of morals was one that stayed with Durkheim throughout his life, and he was

working on a book on that subject in the last year before his death.

The articles that Durkheim wrote on the basis of his trip to Germany com-

mended him to the authorities in France as a teacher who would help to build up

a secular and scientific philosophy of society, which was what seemed to be

required in order to strengthen and unify France under the Third Republic. His

appointment to the University of Bordeaux was to replace another republican

patriot, Alfred Espinas, who had received promotion as a result of his success in

developing this scientific approach in his course on pedagogy or education.

Durkheim had praised Espinas' Les Sociétés animales (1877) as being the first

attempt to study social facts in order to construct a science of them rather than

to preserve the symmetry of some great philosophical system. Espinas followed

Spencer, however, in his general evolutionary view of social and human devel-

opment, and pictured the animal kingdom, from unicellular animals to human

societies, as one continuum of life obeying a single set of natural laws. In

Spencer's terms, there was an organic continuity at all levels of evolution. How-

ever, Espinas also combined with this Spencerian view the Comtean emphasis

on human society as a psychic or moral entity. He did this by stating that the

psychic element enters the evolutionary scale at the point where the function of

reproduction necessitates a social act. Reproductive societies then evolve until

they reach the large-scale level of the "herd", at which point the psychological

bond, the collective consciousness, becomes one of sympathy—like-

mindedness. The exchange of images (representations) produces an accumula-

tion of knowledge which constitutes the intelligence of the society, and this col-

lective consciousness takes precedence over any individual consciousness.

Espinas's emphasis on the superiority of the collective consciousness over the

inidividual, and his description of the mechanism by which like-mindedness

was produced in simpler societies, was drawn on by Durkheim in his own

description of the mechanical solidarity based on like-mindedness in simpler

societies. Espinas's attribution of superiority to the social over the individual

also had political implications that are likely to have influenced Durkheim.

Altruism and sympathy were to predominate over egosim, and they found their

ultimate point of focus in the national society. Furthermore, this superiority of

LIFE AND INTELLECTUAL BACKGROUND 23

the social meant that society in the future would be organized on socialist lines,

although Espinas was careful to point out that it would be a scientific socialism

and not a utopian type.

The fact that Espinas's theories were based on a combination of ideas drawn

from Comte and Spencer is indicative of the balance of intellectual forces at this

juncture in the development of sociology in France. Both Comte and Spencer

employed an evolutionary framework in their grandiose theories of human

social development. The difference in emphasis was that Comte gave more

importance to the stages of intellectual development in human history, tracing a

development from societies where theological explanations predominated, then

meta-physical thought (explanation by reference to essences), and finally the

emergence of societies in which positive or scientific thought was dominant. At

each stage there was a corresponding type of moral unity. Spencer placed social

evolution more definitely in a process of general natural evolution. Man and

society were seen as part of a cosmic process of progressive evolution, involv-

ing differentiation and specialization of the functions of parts, and a higher level

of integration. In concrete social terms this involved increased division of

labour and the development of harmonious mutual dependence through free

exchange between individuals.

Durkheim, like Espinas, took over many of the elements of the evolutionary

framework, but he did so in a critical fashion. He was particularly critical of

many of Spencer's assumptions, which coincided with those of liberal eco-

nomics. In mounting his critique of Spencer he adopted many of the ideas of

contemporary German thinkers, because Spencer's sociology was really liberal

economics writ large, or at least placed in an evolutionary framework. Ironi-

cally, Durkheim was to be accused of having developed French sociology too

much along German lines as a result of taking over their emphasis on social

realism in order to combat the individualist premises of the economics and

Spencerian sociology stemming from England. The criticisms were put most

forcefully in a book by a Catholic priest, Simon Deploige, Le Conflict de la

morale et de la sociologie (1911) [15] . It is worth mentioning, not because

Deploige's criticisms of Durkheim are very cogent, but because it does draw

attention to the importance of the national factor in the development of

Durkheim's sociology. The nation can be seen to have acted as the main refer-

ence for the social realism which Durkheim used to critique doctrines which

reduced explanations of social phenomena to the level of individual psychology

or which inflated society to the level of all humanity. Durkheim's sociological

model seemed more realistic because it dealt with the confluence of social

forces within a bounded society, even though he never satisfactorily defined

those boundaries in sociological terms (sometimes referring to a social species

in order to conceptualize the distinctiveness of a national identity, such as the

French).

Deploige's account of the German influences on Durkheim's sociology is of

interest becaust it reminds us of the relevance of the national factor when we

24 EMILE DURKHEIM

attempt to provide a sociological analysis of the development of sociology. The

factor of national rivalries, espcially intellectual reactions to wars and national

defeats at the hands of a rival power, is an example of how social being deter-

mines consciousness (to use an insight common to both Marx and Durkheim). It

is an example often neglected in more economistic accounts of the social deter-

minants of sociological perspectives, which emphasize economic and class fac-

tors. Deploige suggested that Durkheim borrowed his notion of social realism

from the Germans, and that its attractiveness was due to the reaction of the

French to their defeat in the Franco-Prussian war of 1870. Deploige added that

the German emphasis on social realism (a reality preeminently located in the

nation) was in turn a reaction to Germany's defeat at the hands of Napoleon in

the Battle of Jena in 1806. Although Durkheim may have got his social realism

from Schäffle and Wundt, who emphasized the predominance of society as a

real totality over the individuals and institutions that composed it, Deploige

maintained that behind these immediate influences there were earlier German

originators of this trend. He mentioned Adam Muller, who gave a series of lec-

tures in 1808, proclaiming the nation to be a living whole. This led Deploige to

proclaim him the first sociologist, according to Durkheim's conception of soci-

ology as social realism, and in this way he hoped to smear Durkheim's sociol-

ogy as a German product, and thus leave the field free for his own Catholic

doctrines.

Despite Deploige's smear tactics, he did make one criticism that hit at a weak

link in Durkheim's attempt to combine the German emphasis on a society as an

organic whole and the evolutionary framework of Spencer. Durkheim never

arrived at a definition of society that was conceptually consistent with his social

realism and with the organic and evolutionary theoretical frameworks that he

borrowed from. He appreciated that these frameworks were simply analogies,

"scaffolding", that had to be transcended, but to do so would have required him

to produce a new theoretical paradigm that would have yielded a theoretical

object for his sociology. In his later works he was feeling his way towards a

more consistently defined theoretical object, in the form of structures of con-

sciousness with varying degrees of institutionalized embodiment. But at other

times his commitment to social realism meant that the term "society" simply

referred to the nation (e.g. France), or entities within it, such as the State or the

family. Deploige charged that Durkheim failed to appriciate the true context and

reference of social realism, because he wrenched it out of its German intellec-

tual context in which it referred specifically to the nation, and as a result his

notion of society as a "thing" became vague and mystifying:

"When Muller, Savigny, List, Roscher, Knies, Schmoller, and Wagner

repeat that society is something different from the sum of its members

they know what they are saying, and among themselves they are under-

stood. They mean the Volk, that slow product of history, as they call it;

they are thinking of the nation, that community which survives individu-

LIFE AND INTELLECTUAL BACKGROUND 25

als, reuniting the generations by an identity of language, cult, law, moral-

ity insitutions, interests, memories, and hopes; and they rightly vindicate

the title of 'realist' for the scientific tendency which they represent.

Durkheim took over their formula, but no-one knows what there is within

and behind it when he says that society is a being sui generis, because

nowhere has he defined what he means by society, and as we have

proved, his attempts to define the 'social fact' terminated in failure. He

does not place you in the presence of a tangible object, face to face with a

'thing'. He shakes before your eyes a vague concept, a fleeting abstrac-

tion, and the Germans' postulate becomes in his writings a cabalistic for-

mula. His social realism is like one of the sterilized plants which it has

become the fashion to place in apartments without light or air" [15],

pp. 174–5.

In his response to Deploige, Durkheim sought to play down the German influ-

ence on his sociology, and in doing so he not only reasserted the importance of

Comte and Renouvier, but also pointed to the predominant position given to

religious phenomena in his thought under the influence of British and American

scholars, especially the Scotsman William Robertson Smith [16] . Despite some

suggestions to the contrary, there is no break in the development of Durkheim's

thought, such that it could justifiably be described as being converted from a

materialist to a "spiritualist" or idealist position. Throughout his life he

remained alive to the interaction between social structure and consciousness.

However, there is no doubt that he did give increased attention to religious phe-

nomena from the time that he read deeply in historical literature on religion in

order to give a lecture course on that subject in 1894–5, and then in later years

he absorbed a great deal of the ethnographic literature on religion in primitive

societies, such as the totemic religion of Australian aboriginal clans. Robertson

Smith's theory of the clan cult of totemism as the earliest and most elementary

form of religion, invariably linked to societies with the simplest form of social

structure, the clan segmentary system, was in line with Durkheim's own views

about the all-pervasive nature of religion in simpler societies, as presented in

The Division of Labour in Society. It was also developed as a major theme in

The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life. In his earlier references to religion,

its importance as a social phenomenon embedded in social practices, not just in

the form of beliefs, was discussed mainly in terms of its function of producing

social solidarity and as a source of moral unity. As such, it seemed destined to

decrease in significance as societies became more complex and as its function

of maintaining social solidarity was taken over by other institutions. That was

the thesis of The Division of Labour in Society. However, as Durkheim did

more research on the subject, from the time of the 1894–5 lecture course, he

became more convinced that religion provided the clue to understanding the

relationship between social structures and consciousness in general, and it also

provided a test case for developing sociological methods of analysing symbol-

26 EMILE DURKHEIM

ization in society. He maintained that symbolism made social life possible and

enabled society to reproduce itself over time.

The course on religion was only one of the courses he taught at Bordeaux.

His appointment was in social science and education, and so he had to teach

courses on moral and intellectual education, and the history of pedagogy. Both

at Bordeaux and later at the Sorbonne in Paris the opportunity to teach sociol-

ogy was only given on the basis that he would devote a substantial proportion of

his time to teaching education courses. There was still formidable opposition to

sociology in the universities and it virtually had to be smuggled in by the back

door. When he moved to the Sorbonne in 1902 it was to a post in education,

rather than sociology, and he was rather reluctant to let his name go forward. It

was not unitl 1913 that his Chair was made one in "Education and Sociology".

Nevertheless, this had some advantages as it guaranteed that his influence

would be spread widely throughout the schools of France. His course in Paris

on the history and theory of education in France was compulsory for all stu-

dents undertaking the agrègation in arts and sciences, and some critics of his

influence in the education system spoke of it as "State Durkheimianism".

The fifteen years Durkheim spent at Bordeaux were perhaps the most produc-

tive of his life so far as variety of subjects taught and books written was con-

cerned. In addition to the education courses he also lectured on the family, sui-

cide, legal and political sociology, social solidarity, psychology, criminology,

religion, the history of socialism, and the history of sociological theories. His

publications included the two theses, The Division of Labour and the study of

Montesquieu; The Rules of Sociological Method; Suicide; and articles on incest,

the individual and collective representations, on the definition of religious phe-

nomena, on the "Two Laws of Penal Evolution", and on totemism. By 1902 he

had already founded and edited five volumes of L'Année sociologique, [9],

p. 100.

From the time of his first public lecture at Bordeaux, when he staked out the

claims for sociology, Durkheim devoted himself to building up the discipline.

Rather than developing a grand theory, he presented sociology as a perspective

and a method of anlaysis that could be applied in a wide range of disciplines,

such as law, history and philosophy. Not surprisingly, this excited some opposi-

tion and resistance from people in other disciplines who resented what they saw

as sociological imperialism. However, it also attracted disciples and adherents

who were eager to follow his lead and apply his sociological perspective and

method of analysis in their own specialisms. The Année sociologique was

divided into topic sections in order to further this aim, and so gained an exten-

sive readership among rising scholars in different fields. An indication of the

scope of its coverage can be given by listing the main sections, to all of which

Durkheim contributed reviews: General Sociology (including methodological

issues, social theories, social psychology, and sociological conditions of knowl-

edge), Sociology of Religion, Juridic and Moral Sociology (including sexual

morality, marriage and the family, social organization, political organization,

LIFE AND INTELLECTUAL BACKGROUND 27

international and moral law, penal law, property law, contract and obligation),

Sociology of Crime and Statistics on Morals, Economic Sociology, Social Mor-

phology (mainly social geography), and Miscellaneous (including Aesthetic

Sociology and Education) [17] . The team of scholars that Durkheim recruited

were drawn mainly from ENS, the University of Bordeaux, and the Sorbonne,

and they were also united in their allegiance to Durkheim and were inspired by

his sociological example. The extent of this influence can be judged by the

impact that it had on scholars in various disciplines and areas of study, such as

historians, and specialists in ancient civilizations, the history of law, mythology,

linguistics, and religion.

It is difficult to recapture the intellectual excitement and sense of mission that

existed in the team of L'Année sociologique and the Durkheimian School of the

turn of the century. Too often Durkheimian sociology is equated with its later

adaptations in the form of structural-functionalism in post-Second World War

American sociology, or else it is regarded as a distant historical phenomenon

that has little present relevance. In fact a proper appreciation of the context and

content of Durkheimian sociology will show that it has great relevance to cur-

rent developments. Although another world war has taken place since

Durkheim's death, and there have been many changes in intellectual fashions

and in sociological currents, there are many tangible links that witness to the

essential continuity between Durkheim's sociology and that of the present.

There is even a thriving Group d'études durkheimiennes at the Maison des Sci-

ences de l'Homme in Paris, with its own regularly published bulletin.

It was a recent Director of the Maison, the historian Fernand Braudel, who

testified to the effect that Durkheim and L'Année sociologique had in inspiring

the founders of the Annales School of French history, and he told of how the

Année became the favourite reading matter for an entire generation of young

historians "from Lucien Febvre to Marc Bloch, André Piganiol, and Louis Ger-

net". In fact, the streams of influence went in both directions—from sociology

to history and back again. The overlap between the Durkheimian sociologists

and the Annales historians was significant. Although Febvre worried about the

historians being taken over completely by sociology, several historians happily

wrote for both journals. In some cases, as for example, Louis Gernet, the pri-

mary loyalty did seem to be to Durkheimian sociology. The network of influ-

ences is well illustrated by Gernet, who was born in 1882 and died in 1962. He

began as a classical scholar and then, under the influence of the Durkheimians,

developed his interest in linguistics in a sociological direction. (The

Durkheimian School in general was keenly interested in language because of its

central importance as a social phenomenon, and because "positive" research in

the social sciences had achieved its greatest successes in linguistics.) Gernet

applied this Durkheimian sociology to the study of ancient Greece, just as

another Durkheimian, Marcel Granet, was applying it to ancient China. Gernet

wrote for the Annales and for the Année (in the last decade of his life he was

general secretary and chief editor of the Année).

28 EMILE DURKHEIM

From 1905 Gernet was also a member of the socialist study group formed

under the influence of Lucien Herr, the Librarian of the Ecole Normale, as were

many of the Durkheimians, such as Mauss, Simiand, Halbwachs, Granet, Hertz,

Levi-Bruhl, and others. He contributed to the group's periodical, Notes cri-

tiques: sciences sociales, as did Durkheim himself in the form of reviews. This

fact illustrates the overlap between these various networks and gives an indica-

tion of the general ideological atmosphere and intellectual milieu in which they

carried on their collaboration. It should be remembered that even at Bordeaux

Durkheim's students organized a socialist study circle, which studied Marx's

Capital. They also joined with the Workers' Party at Bordeaux in inviting the

socialist leader, Jaurès, to speak. Jaurès took the opportunity of extolling

Durkheim's work. And when Durkheim gave his course on the history of social-

ist ideas, Jaurès and the other socialist leader Guesde expressed agreement with

his definition of socialism. He intended to give a further course on Marx and

German socialism, but instead he found that editing L'Année sociologique left

him no time. According to Mauss, Durkheim always regretted his inability to

continue or resume his history of socialism.

In a sense, Durkheim's founding of L'Année sociologique amounted to a deci-

sion to devote himself to promoting the academic discipline of sociology rather

than the political cause of socialism, even though he "sympathized" with social-

ism. As Mauss put it, "in 1896 Durkheim, undertaking L'Année sociologique,

returned to pure science". Two standard reasons that are given to explain this

are: firstly, he had always maintained that sociology would only be established

as a science if it resisted the temptation to rush into hasty social prognostica-

tions; secondly, he disliked certain features of the socialist movement, such as

its violent nature and class character, and in practice, he could not bear to sub-

mit himself to a party or political discipline.

However, Durkheim could get involved in political events, as was shown by

his firm stand during the Dreyfus Affair, when he was active in the organization

set up to defend human rights and to demand justice for the wrongly-

condemned Captain Dreyfus, who was the victim of an upsurge of antisemitism

in France. Durkheim defined the issue as one of morality and not simply poli-

tics. The article that he wrote on the subject, "Individualism and the Intellectu-

als" (1898) was characteristically analytical, although there was no doubt about

the passionate commitment of Durkheim and the Durkheimians to the cause.

They had been attacked by a conservative anti-Dreyfusard, Brunetière, who

charged that the intellectuals supporting Drefus were undermining traditional

institutions and spreading individualism and anarchy. In response, Durkheim

drew a distinction between the individualism of utilitarianism and liberal eco-

nomics, which he described as egosim, and individualism as a set of ideals in

which the human person was a sacred object. He maintained that modern soci-

ety needed such a "religion" or collective conscience (in contrast with his ear-

lier position in The Division of Labour, where he appeared to forecast a declin-

ing role for the collective conscience). Society needed a set of collective beliefs

LIFE AND INTELLECTUAL BACKGROUND 29

and practices that had a special authority, and in modern society this was the

"cult of the individual". He traced the social causes that had led to the emer-

gence of this ideology, and pointed out that it was possible to be an individualist

while still asserting that the individual is a product of society rather than its

cause. He then added his own statement of political allegiance to this modern

form of individualism, which he believed had passed through liberalism and

was now pointing towards socialism:

"Our fathers undertook exclusively the task of freeing the individual from

the political shackles which impeded his development…. We must go

beyond the results achieved, if only to preserve them. If we do not finally

learn to put to work the means of action we have in our hands, they will

indubitably lose their worth. Let us therefore make use of our liberties to

seek out what we must do and to do it, to smooth the functioning of the

social machine, still so harsh on individuals, to place within their reach all

possible means of developing their abilities without hindrance, to work

finally to make a reality of the famous precept: to each according to his

labour!" [18].

At the end of the article Durkheim distinguished between three groups of sup-

porters of a political cause—"apostles who let their anger or their enthusiasm

overflow", "scholars who bring us the product of their research and reflections",

and "men of letters seduced by an interesting theme". The latter group, who

played "dilettantes' games", he despised. He chose for himself the second

course, and insisted that the professor should not use the authority of his posi-

tion to exercise political influence over his students. At times he seemed to fear

that his collaborators in the enterprise of building up sociology through L'Année

sociologique would be swept away and become mainly apostles of socialism.

After the Dreyfus Affair period, when the Durkheimian sociologists and the

socialist group were almost fused into one, Durkheim became even more con-

vinced that his vocation was to build up sociology as a scholarly discipline and

that this could not be combined with political involvement. His ideas continued

to exercise an influence in politics, however, through his collaborators and stu-

dents. His concept of "social solidarity" exercised an influence on the amor-

phous movement known as "Solidarism", which became virtually the official

ideology of the Third Republic in the two decades before the First World War.

But his ideas about the need for a fundamental moral regeneration of society,

based on greater social justice and equality, went much further towards social-

ism than the rather timid proposals for legislative reforms put forward by

solidarists.

The fact that Durkheim devoted so much of his life to the sociological analy-

sis of religion, should not be construed as a sign that he had decided other social

phenomena such as politics and economics were unimportant.† Rather, he took

religion as an example of ideology that could be sociologically analysed to

30 EMILE DURKHEIM

reveal its relation to social structures, which caused it to develop, and which it

functioned to maintain and reproduce. He made it clear that the same kind of

sociological analysis could be applied to political and economic ideologies.

Among his last publications before his death were a wartime pamphlet criticiz-

ing German nationalist ideology and, testifying to his other concerns, an article

for the International Exhibition at San Francisco, stating his view of sociology,

and an obituary for his son, who had been a linguist and one of the most promis-

ing of the new generation of sociologists in the Année group [19].

REFERENCES

[1] Marcel Mauss, "In Memoriam: L'Oeuvre inédite de Durkheim et de ses

collaborateurs", Année sociologique, new series 1, 1923, p. 9.

[2] E.Durkheim, The Rules of Sociological Method, trs. by S.A. Solovay and J.

H.Mueller, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1938, p. xlii.

[3] Georges Davy, "Emile Durkheim", Revue francaise de sociologie, 1, 1960,

3–24, p. 6.

[4] G.Davy, "Emile Durkheim: L'Homme", Revue de métaphysique et de

morale, xxvi, 1919, 181–98, p. 187.

[5] J.Chevalier, Entretiens avec Bergson, Paris, 1959, p. 34.

[6] Harvey Goldberg, The Life of Jean Jaurès, Madison, Univeristy of Wiscon-

sin Press, 1962, p. 16.

[7] Cf. John Eros, "The Positivist Generation of French Republicanism", Socio-

logical Review, N.S. 3, 2, 1955, 255–77.

[8] John S.Scott, Republican Ideas and the Liberal Tradition in France, 1870–

1914, New York, Columbia University Press, 1951, pp. 56–7.

[9] Steven Lukes, Emile Durkheim: His Life and Work, London, Penguin,

1975, p. 56.

[10] Marcel Mauss, Introduction to the first edition, Emile Durkheim, Socialism,

edited and with an introduction by Alvin W.Gouldner, translated by Char-

lotte Sattler, New York, Collier Books, 1962, p. 32.

† Attempts have been made to give a psycho-analytical explanation of Durkheim's

avoidance of political action and of his alleged turning from an early political prob-

lematic to a later religious problematic. Bernard Lacroix suggests that Durkheim's

reticence in the face of political action may have been due to a castration anxiety,

and that his wish to change the world at a distance, through his writings, came from

a desire for identification with his father. Lacroix's most important point is that the

substitution of a religious problematic for a political problematic can be interpreted

by a reappearance of religious repression following the death of Durkheim's father.

Cf. Lacroix, Durkheim et le politique, Paris, Presses de la Fondation Nationale des

Sciences Politiques, 1981. For criticisms of this thesis, see Philippe Besnard, "Une

etude sur Durkheim et le politique" in Etudes durkheimiennes: Bulletin d'informa-

tion, 6, Juin 1981, pp. 1–5.

LIFE AND INTELLECTUAL BACKGROUND 31

[11] Alvin Gouldner's introduction to Durkheim's Socialism, [10], p. 20.

[12] cf. the proposals in Durkheim, Professional Ethics and Civic Morals., trans.

by C.Brookfield, London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1957, pp. 216–18.

[13] Durkheim, Review of Antonio Labriola, Essais sur la conception material-

iste de l'histoire, originally published in 1897, reprinted in Mark Traugott

(editor and translator), Emile Durkheim on Institutional Analysis, London

and Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1978, 123–30, p. 127.

[14] Durkheim, "La Science positive de la morale en Allemagne", Revue

philosophique, xxiv (1887), 33–58, 113–42, 275–84.

[15] Simon Deploige, Le Conflit de la morale et de la sociologie, Louvain, Insti-

tut Superieur de Philosophic, 1911; published in English as The Conflict

Between Ethics and Sociology, trans. C.C.Miltner, London and St Louis,

Herder, 1938.

[16] Durkheim's review of Deploige's book appeared in L'Année sociologique,

12, 1913, pp. 326–28.

[17] English translations of Durkheim's contribution to most of these sections

are available in Yash Nandan (ed.), Emile Durkheim: Contributions to

L'Année Sociologique, New York, Free Press and London, Collier Macmil-

lan, 1980.

[18] "Individualism and the Intellectuals", in Robert N.Bellah (ed.), Emile

Durkheim on Morality and Society, Chicago, University of Chicago Press,

1973, 43–57, pp. 55–56.

[19] L'Allemagne au-dessus de tout: la mentalité allemande et la guerre, Paris,

Colin, 1915; "La Sociologie" in La Science francaise, Paris, Ministère de

l'Instruction Publiq et des Beaux-Arts, vol. 1, pp. 39–49; "Notice sur André-

Armand Durkheim", L'Annuaire de le l'Association des anciens élèves de

l'École Normale Supérieur, pp. 201–5.

32 EMILE DURKHEIM

The Work

3.1 INTRODUCTION

There are various ways of approaching Durkheim's work, and no single

approach is entirely satisfactory. In this section it is proposed to adopt a combi-

nation of approaches in order to achieve maximum flexibility and coverage,

whilst avoiding the temptation to squeeze Durkheim's varied and uneven contri-

butions into a single tidy framework. One approach that will be used as an orga-

nizing device is the "bio-bibliographical" approach. This entails taking some of

the most famous of Durkheim's works in chronological order: The Division of

Labour in Society (1893), The Rules of Sociological Method (1895), Suicide

(1897), and The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (1912). The advantage

of this approach is that it proceeds by way of the peaks of Durkheim's range of

scholarly publications, and it can also be related to a biographical sequence of

events. In this way we proceed from an examination of a doctoral thesis, The

Division of Labour, in which Durkheim set out the main themes of his life's

work. We then move to the aggressively challenging methodological treatise,

The Rules, where the author throws down the gauntlet as champion of a new

and rigorous social science. In Suicide the ambitious young Bordeaux professor

provides a substantive demonstration of the new method at work. Finally we

come to the mature work, The Elementary Forms, which represents the culmina-

tion of Durkheim's theoretical development and the distillation of his special-

ized studies of religion in relation to the moral and cognitive bases of social

solidarity.

The disadvantages of this conventional approach are that it tends to neglect

Durkheim's other important works, some of which were published posthu-

mously on the basis of lecture notes, and it gives an over-simplified view of his

intellectual development. A second approach, which seeks to avoid these faults,

treats Durkheim's work in terms of certain key concepts, unit ideas, or perspec-

tives [1] . Robert Nisbet discerned five such perspectives in Durkheim's thought

focusing on society, authority, the religio-sacred, personality and development.

This approach has the virtue of providing a basis for comparing Durkheim's

sociology with that of other writers, before and after him, who operated with

similar ideas and perspectives. However, the selection of the particular ideas to

focus on derives from a prior judgement about the important trends in this area

of intellectual history. It is clear that Nisbet, and others who use this approach,

wish to use Durkheim to buttress a thesis about the development of sociology or

social thought, rather than taking as their primary objective the task of doing

full justice to the unique character of Durkheim's own work. This selective

approach is particularly misleading when a certain concept or perspective is

singled out for emphasis because it fits in with the commentator's own theoreti-

cal or research interests. An example of this is the concept of "function" and the

functionalist perspective, which figured prominently in the works of two of the

most famous of Durkheim's interpreters, A.R.Radcliffe-Brown, the British

social anthropologist, and Talcott Parsons.

Certainly Durkheim made many references to function, beginning with The

Division of Labour where he stated that one of his objectives was to determine

"the function of division of labour, that is to say, what social need it satisfies",

and concluding in The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life with a demonstra-

tion of the integrative function performed in society by religion and each of its

components—cult, rite, and symbol. In The Rules he stated that the task of the

social researcher entailed distinguishing the efficient causes of any social

pheonomenon and tracing its history, and should then lead on to an attempt to

determine the function of the phenomenon in the system or order of which it

was a part. However, Durkheim's emphasis on historical investigation along-

side functionalist analysis was subsequently neglected in so-called functionalist

sociology and anthropology.

The following discussion begins with an outline of the main components of

Durkheim's sociology, including key concepts and ideas, and then proceeds to

an account of his most famous works. This is then followed by a discussion of

his contribution to the analysis of various social institutions, such as education,

politics and the State, which will allow us to draw on other books—for exam-

ple, The Evolution of Educational Thought, Professional Ethics and Civic

Morals, and Socialism.

3.2 SOCIOLOGY—ITS NATURE AND PROGRAMME

3.2.1 General orientation

Durkheim can be considered as one of the first professional, universitybased,

sociologists, and that became his self-definition and chosen vocation. However,

he began his career as a philosopher, and throughout his working life he spend

much of his time lecturing on the theory and practice of pedagogy. Furthermore,

he always hoped to lay the foundations for a science of morals. In these and

34 EMILE DURKHEIM

other respects he was led beyond the confines of a single academic discipline,

and he can be seen as bridging two intellectual eras—the pre-twentieth century

era of wide-ranging social philosophies, and the present era of narrower, aca-

demic specialization.

One of the characteristics of an academic disipline such as sociology is that

scientific progress proceeds by way of developing increasingly refined and spe-

cific definitions and hypotheses. Durkheim played a preeminent part in promot-

ing that development in the newly-emerging discipline of sociology. But

because they emerged from a much broader and looser tradition of social philo-

sophical debate, Durkheim's sociological concepts bear many traces of the ear-

lier polemics and polarizations. In order to understand and evaluate his concepts

it is necessary to take into account these background features that provided

many of the "givens" that enter into their formulation. It is also worth noting

that Durkheim's thought did not always confine itself within the restricting

bounds set by definitions. Sometimes he operated with more than one definition

of a concept, and his ideas frequently raced ahead of the ground staked out by

the definitions. Indeed, the basic concept of society seemed to intoxicate him †

and escaped definition.

Although society and the social entered into many of his definitions of spe-

cific phenomena, society as a composite whole never received an adequate defi-

nition and could refer to phenomena as disparate as France or a married couple.

Durkheim's main concern was to impress on his readers the potency of society

and the social, in reaction against prevailing philosophies that were fundamen-

tally individualist in emphasis.

Because the dichotomy of society and individual is so fundamental to

Durkheim's thinking it is worth examining it in some detail. What Durkheim

opposed was "methodological individualism" in social analysis. Sociology

could not be based on a theory which took the individual as the starting-point of

analysis, as in utilitarian philosophy. This was a "pre-social" individual who did

not exist in reality. The individual was penetrated by society, i.e. "socialized". It

was the social factors and the processes by which they penetrated and con-

strained the individual that constituted the distinctive subject-matter of sociol-

ogy. This emphasis was extremely valuable in asserting the distinctiveness and

importance of sociology. However, it also entailed some exaggerations and

ambiguities in Durkheim's formulations. He was able to critize economics for

proceeding as though the individual was motivated solely by egoistic desires,

when in fact egoism might be a social product. But he himself operated with an

homo duplex model of human nature, according to which man had two natures.

According to this view sensations and sensory needs were necessarily egoistic

because they originated in, and referred to, conditions of the biological organ-

† Morris Ginsberg observed, "in general 'la societé' had an intoxicating effect on his

mind" [2].

THE WORK 35

ism. By contrast, conceptual thought and moral activity were "impersonal", or

social products, because they did not belong to any particular person who used

them. He never satisfactorily resolved the question of the sources of egoism—

whether it was the biological, "pre-social" side of man, or a cultural (ideologi-

cal) product.

To further complicate matters, it has to be pointed out that Durkheim was not

"anti-individualist", as might be thought, simply on the basis of his opposition

to methodological individualism. He was also opposed to the contrasting tradi-

tion of thought called "idealist holism", which was basically conservative in

orientation and saw the relationship between the individual and society as being

that of the microcosm of the whole. In this view the individuals should be like-

minded imprints of the social mould. Durkheim had learned something from the

positive side of utilitarian individualism, especially from the sociologist Herbert

Spencer, to the effect that the position of the individual in modern society was

different from that in traditional society. He was convinced that industrial soci-

ety entailed specialization of functions, and that in this respect society had to

cultivate individual differences and greater self-autonomy in individuals. Where

he differed from the utilitarians was in his belief that the "cult of the individual"

in modern society did not rest on egoistic pursuit of self-interest, but on the val-

ues that inspired the French Revolution, which were concerned with the dignity

and worth of "man" in the abstract [3] . The ideals of this moral individualism

meant that respect for the individual and the concomitant demand for equality

became moral imperatives, entailing that the welfare and self-fulfilment of

every member of society should be sought after.

Unfortunately, Durkheim's attack on methodological individualism and his

desire to stress that sociology has a subject-matter of its own, which could not

be explained by reference to individual or biological factors (such as race,

instincts, passions, or drives), led him to overstate his case. In making a sharp

distinction between social and individual facts he was led into conflating a num-

ber of different distinctions:

(i) " between the socially determined and the organically or biologically given;

(ii

)between factors specific to particular societies, and abstracted or postulated

features of 'human nature';

(ii

i) between factors that are general within a given society or group and those

that are particular to one or several individuals;

v) between the experience and behaviour of associated individuals as opposed

to those of isolated individuals;

)between socially prescribed obligations and spontaneous desires and

behaviour;

i) between factors coming from 'outside' the individual and those generated

within his consciousness;

ii) between thoughts and actions directed towards social or public objects and

those which are purely personal and private:

36 EMILE DURKHEIM

iii

)

between altruistic and egocentric behaviour" [4].

However, despite this overstatement and the consequent blurring of some dis-

tinctions whilst he was illuminating others, Durkheim's forrceful assertion of

the case for sociological explanation was essential if it was to succeed in estab-

lishing itself in the face of a great deal of ideological and academic opposition.

3.2.2 Sociology and its programme

Considering that Durkheim gained the reputation of being a fierce advocate of

sociology, it is surprising to find that in his opening lecture in the first ever

course of sociology in France, which he gave at Bordeaux in 1887, he adopted

the most modest tone imaginable:

"Charged with the task of teaching a science born only yesterday, one

which can as yet claim but a small number of principles to be definitively

established, it would be rash on my part not to be awed by the difficulties

of my task…. A young science should not be overly ambitious, and it

enjoys greater credibility among scientific minds when it presents itself

with greater modesty" [5].

His anxiety, as he made clear, was that he was afraid of "awakening or reawak-

ening in some of you the scepticism of which sociological studies have some-

thimes been the object." Such scepticism had been aroused by sociologists like

Comte, who did not study specific societies, but produced a "philosophical med-

itation on human sociology in general." Sociology needed to draw in to its orbit

specialists in specific areas of study, such as historians and students of law, who

could gain from adopting a sociological perspective, and more importantly, who

would supply the data which would enable sociology to practice its own "exper-

imental" method of comparison. By comparing institutions, beliefs, and prac-

tices in different societies, sociology would be able to test hypotheses about

their causes and functions.

Sociology had already made some progress in this direction as a result of the

contributions of German scholars, such as Wagner and Schmoller in economics,

and Ihering and Post in legal studies. As a result of their empirical studies and

their reception into sociology it

"lost that erstwhile air of sudden improvization which had sometimes cast

doubt upon its future. It no longer seemed to have miraculously appeared

out of nowhere one sunny day… It has a clearly defined object and a

method for studying it. The object consists of social facts. The method is

THE WORK 37

observation and indirect experimentation, or, in other words, the compara-

tive method" [5] , pp. 61–2.

In presenting this early outline of sociology, Durkheim said that there was one

more thing that remained to be done and that was to subdivide the field into spe-

cialist areas, which would yield more specific questions to replace the over-

broad questions that had been a feature of pre-scientific sociology. In this way it

would attract better scholars and permit calobration, in contrast to the past when

a few philospically minded scholars had taken it over and proceeded to

"mark it with their strong imprint to such an extent that it becomes their

own property and seems to become confused with them…by becoming

more specialized, science comes closer to things which are themselves

specialized. It thus becomes more objective, more impersonal, and, conse-

quently, accessible to the full range of individual talents and to all work-

ers of good will" [5] , p. 62.

This view of the virtue of scientific collaboration motivated him to start l'Annèe

sociologique. By the time of his paper on "La sociologie" for the Exposition

universelle et Internationale de San Francisco in 1915 he was able to state with

confidence and pride that this strategy of collaboration had succeeded: sociol-

ogy had been divided into sub-areas, and specialist techniques and data had

been brought in, whilst the general sociological perspective had brought a new

sense of the social determinants and interrelationships of specific phenomena.

As he put it:

"The most urgent reform, therefore, was to bring sociology and these

other special techniques closely together, to unite them in a fertile mar-

riage, so as to give sociology the data it lacked, and, inversely, to bring

the sociological idea down into these disciplines in such a manner as to

make true social sciences of them. In order to assure this rapprochment

and to make it more intimate, a periodical was established in 1896 under

the name Annèe sociologique, whose aim is to glean from studies in the

history of religion, the history of moral and legal institutions, moral statis-

tics, and economic history, the facts that appear to be of particular interest

to sociologists" [6].

As a result of these efforts Durkheim no longer felt it necessary to apologize for

sociology's connection with Auguste Comte, but could state: "Comte is its

father" [6] , p. 378. Comte's main error had been to think that "he had not only

founded sociology but had also completed it at the same time" [6], p. 379–80.

But, said Durkheim, science is never completed:

"It consists of particular, restricted questions which bear on specific

38 EMILE DURKHEIM

objects. Although these questions are interrelated, they must be treated

separately; indeed their very interdependence appears only in so far as the

science advances and to the extent to which it does. Consequently, sociol-

ogy could not really become a positive science until it renounced its initial

and over-all claim upon the totality of social reality. It had to introduce

analysis and to distinguish ever more among parts, elements, and different

aspects which could serve as subject matters for specific problems. It is to

this task that the author of the present note has devoted himself with the

help of a whole group of workers who have joined their efforts with his.

Our ambition is to initiate for sociology what Comte called the era of spe-

cialization" [6] , p. 380.

There is something to be said for approaching the question of Durkheim's con-

ception of sociology from the direction of an appreciation of his work on

L'Année sociologique. He himself saw that work as the fulfilment of his aspira-

tions to put sociology on a scientific basis. Its mode of operation in terms of a

division of labour, corresponding to main sub-areas and specialisms of sociol-

ogy as he envisaged that subject, helps to explain why Durkheim's own sociol-

ogy had certain gaps in it. For example, economics was an area that Durkheim

said should be studied sociologically, and yet, as some critics have pointed out,

Durkheim himself tended to neglect that area and gave little attention to eco-

nomic factors. One reason for this was that, under the principle of division of

labour in the team associated with L'Année sociologique, the sociology of eco-

nomics was to be developed by other researchers (most notably, Francois

Simiand). The idea was that these findings would eventually be fed back into

general sociology and would then permeate other specialist areas where rele-

vant. But in Durkheim's lifetime most progress was confined to developing the

specialisms, and the task of building up general sociology on the basis of feed-

back from the specialized areas was neglected. In 1915 Durkheim could proudly

list the achievements of the first stage of specialization, but there was little

progress to report on the development of general sociology:

"Our ambition is to initiate for sociology what Comte called the era of

specialization. A true division of labour has been instituted. Three groups

of facts have been studied in particular: religious, moral and legal, and

economic facts. And instead of carrying on general sociology, some of us

have devoted ourselves to the sociology of religion, others to the sociol-

ogy of morals and law, and still others to the sociology of economics. But

even this division was much to general: within each of these special soci-

ologies particular problems have been taken up—those of sacrifice and of

magic by Henri Hubert and Marcel Mauss: Les formes élementaires de la

vie religiouse and Le suicide by Durkheim; La prohibition de l'inceste

and various studies of primitive marriage by the same author; Le régime

des castes by Gélestin Bouglé: Le salaire des ouvriere des mines by Fran-

THE WORK 39

cois Simiand; and La classe ouvriere et les niveaux de vie by Maurice

Halbwachs. More recently, an effort has been made to determine the

social conditions upon which certain logical operations or certain forms of

thought depend: we refer to the Essai sur certaines formes primitives de

classification by Durkheim and Mauss, and the Etude sur la représenta-

tion du temps by Hubert" [6] , p. 380.

This statement of the achievements of the Durkheimian school of sociology,

made at the end of his life, gives a good indication of Durkheim's priorities.

The first task had been to establish that sociology had a distinctive subject-

matter, and this involved stressing that social phenomena had a reality of their

own, sui generis, and they must be analysed by rigorous and objective methods

of study. Thus, specialization and the development and demonstration of appro-

priate methods of analysis constituted the main priorities. The next task would

be to combine these results in order to show the nature of the total social phe-

nomenon and the general principles that ordered it; this was the task of general

sociology:

"After analysis, there is need for synthesis, showing how those elements

unite in a whole. Here is the justification of general sociology" [6] , p. 374.

Unfortunately, Durkheim made less progress in developing general sociology,

and there is no explicit general theory in Durkheimian sociology that could be

compared with, for example, Marxist social theory. Durkheim's model, or gen-

eral conception of the social whole, is similarly underdeveloped, although it can

be pieced together. It entails going beneath the surface events of social life in

order to discern the various levels of crystallization of social forces that con-

strain individuals' actions. It is this "going beneath the surface" that constitutes

the first step in scientific analysis according to Durkheim:

"Instead of stopping at the exclusive consideration of events that lie at the

surface of social life, there has arisen the need for studying the less obvi-

ous points at the base of it—internal causes and impersonal hidden forces

that move individuals and collectivities" [6] , p. 373.

It is these "impersonal hidden foices" that structure human action. In focusing

on the search for structuring principles and processes, Durkheim gave his soci-

ology its unmistakable "structuralist" character, which might be regarded as its

most distinctive characteristic. (Certainly, it would be difficult to find any other

theoretical or methodological characteristic that featured as prominently in the

extremely varied works of the Durkheimian school, such as those listed above

in Durkheim's account of the achievements of the team's intellectual division of

labour.) The structuring principles and codes could be manifested in various

forms and in varying degrees of crystallization. They could range from the

40 EMILE DURKHEIM

highly crystallized forms of the spatial arrangement of dwellings, systems of

communication and transport, and technologies, to the more codified types of

rules such as those found in legal codes, and even to relatively uncrystallized

currents of opinion. It was the constraining effect of these structures—

crystallizations, rules, and codes—on individuals' actions, which made society

possible, and at the same time, by making behaviour systematic, constituted it

as a possible object of scientific investigation. It was for this reason that so

much of Durkheim's sociology was taken up with things arranged as classifica-

tions, with discovering "the rule", and with the "type" and rate of social

phenomena.

3.3 DEFINITIONS AND CONCEPTS

3.3.1 Sociology

Although Durkheim wrote a great deal about how things should be studied in

sociology, and discussed many of the components of sociology, he never

offered a comprehensive definition of sociology commensurate with the com-

plex sociological model he employed. A successor of Durkheim's at the Sor-

bonne, Georges Gurvitch, attempted to reconstruct such a definition of

Durkheimian sociology, and came up with the following complex formulation:

"Sociology is a science which studies, with an overall view, and in a typo-

logical and explanatory fashion, the different degrees of crystallization of

social life, the base of which is found in states of the collective con-

science, irreducible and opaque to individual consciences; these states are

manifested in constraints, institutions, pressures, externally observable

symbols, and materialized through transfiguration of the geographi co-

demo graphic surface, and at the same time these states of the collective

conscience penetrate all these elements through the ideas, values, and ide-

als towards which the collective conscience inclines in the form of free

currents of thought and aspiration" [7].

Durkheim himself offered two cryptic definitions of sociology. In the preface to

the second edition of The Rules of Sociological Method he agreed with the for-

mulation of two of his disciples, Mauss and Fauconnet, that,

"Sociology can then be defined as the science of institutions, of their gene-

sis and of their functioning" [8].

By "institutions" he meant "all the beliefs and all the modes of conduct insti-

tuted by the collectivity" [8] , p. 13.

THE WORK 41

Earlier in the same work he had defined sociology as the study of social facts,

which in turn were defined as follows:

"A social fact is every way of acting, fixed or not, capable of exercising

on the individual an external constraint; or again, every way of acting

which is general throughout a given society, while at the same time exist-

ing in its own right independent of its individual manifestations" [8] , p. 13.

The character of sociology, as conceived by Durkheim, can also be deduced

from the characterization he gave of its method and subject-matter. It was to be

a science, and this entailed following certain rules. The first such rule was: "All

preconceptions must be eradicated" [8], p. 31. By this he meant that all concepts

originating outside science for unscientific needs should be avoided. Such lay

concepts were "tyrranical", and the sociologist must "throw off, once and for

all, the yoke of these empirical categories" [8], p. 32. A theoretical definition of

the object to be studied was required:

"The first step of the sociologist ought to be to define the things he

treats… A theory, indeed, can be checked only if we know how to recog-

nize the facts of which it is intended to give an account" [8] , p. 34.

The phenomenon to be studied should have some agreed external characteristics

that make it recognizable to more than one person. Hence he defines the subject-

matter of sociology as follows:

"The subject-matter of every sociological study should comprise a group

of phenomena defined in advance by certain common external characteris-

tics, and all phenomena so defined should be included within this group"

[8], p. 35.

For example, certain acts have the external characteristic that they evoke from

society the reaction called punishment, consequently, "We constitute them as a

separate group, to which we give a common label; we call every punished act a

crime, and crime thus defined becomes the object of a special science, criminol-

ogy" [8] , pp. 35–6.

According to Durkheim, fields of study which simply took over lay concepts

and categories and allowed them to permeate the study with their prior values,

were indulging in ideology. He gave as an example the economics of his day:

"The ideological nature of economics is implied even in the expressions used by

economists" [8] , p. 25. The social facts that should constitute the subject-matter

of sociology were not "factual" in the sense that they could be taken for granted

as existing simply because everyone accepted them. They had to be theoreti-

cally constituted, or conceptualized.

42 EMILE DURKHEIM

3.3.2 Social facts and the model of the total social phenomenon

Durkheim's first rule for sociological analysis was: "Consider social facts as

things" [8] , p. 14. Today it seems odd that it should have been necessary to

insist on the reality of social factors. Perhaps this is simply because we have

learned the lesson that Durkheim was trying to teach, which is that there are

constraining and determining factors of a social nature that must be taken into

account in explaining human behaviour. In that respect, at least, we are all soci-

ologists now. However, Durkheim had to contend against the prevalent ten-

dency to reduce all explanation of human behaviour to the levels of individual

psychology or biology—hence his emphasis on social facts. Secondly, by insist-

ing that social facts were to be considered like things, he sought to persuade the

sociologist to adopt the detached stance of the scientist and to approach all

social phenomena with an open mind, setting aside all preconceptions and look-

ing for empirical indicators of theoretically conceptualized factors operating

beneath the surface of events. Sociology, as a science, could not be content with

intuitive knowledge nor conventional wisdom about such things as economic

practices, the State, suicide, and crime and punishment.

The characteristics of a social fact were: externality, constraint, and general-

ity. A social fact had an existence external to any individual or the mind of any

individual. It exercised a constraint over the individual in a number of ways,

depending on its position on a continuum of social phenomena ranging from

morphological facts that determined the availability of facilities, to the contrain-

ing force of norms backed by sanctions, to the constraints imposed by language,

the force of myths and symbols, and the pressures of public opinion. Two

modes of constraint can be distinguished among these various types of social

factors: one is the constraint imposed by lack of choice, the other is the pressure

to choose according to established notions of what ought to be the case. Morpho-

logical factors exercise the first kind of constraint, usually through the form and

distribution of material resources. Institutions and collective representations,

such as values, beliefs, and currents of opinions, are examples of the second

kind of constraint. However, some social factors impose both kinds of con-

straint, a combination of material resource limitation and moral pressure to act

in a certain way; an example might be the provision of single-sex accommoda-

tion for students by a university.

Durkheim's implicit model of the continuum of social phenomena, ranged in

levels downwards from the surface level of the most crystallized down to the

more obscure levels of the least crystallized phenomena, can be expressed as

follows:

THE WORK 43

Collective Representations and the Collective Conscience

The collective conscience, or common conscience, was defined as "The total-

ity of beliefs and sentiments common to average citizens of the same society

(which) forms a determinate system which has its own life" [10], p. 79. Con-

science, in French, means both "consciousness" and "conscience", and so it

always carries a certain ambiguity. The beliefs and sentiments that make up the

collective conscience are moral and religious, according to the second sense,

and cognitive in the first sense. The combination of the two senses in the French

concept conscience collective, as used by Durkheim, gave it a significance and

potency that was unrivalled in the rather sparse conceptual armoury of his early

work. (At that stage the other major type of social fact was the

"morphological", or material.) Indeed, Durkheim's eagerness to stress the

potency and reality of the collective conscience invited the criticism that he

believed in the existence of a group mind, which he denied. Nevertheless,

although he seemed to refer to it as an integrated entity in his first book, The

Division of Labour, it became simply a general category in the more conceptu-

ally developed later model of the social. It steadily gave way to the more dis-

criminating concept "collective representations".

I. Morphology (substratum)

Volume, density and distribution of population. Territorial organization.

Material objects incorporated in the society: building, channels of

communication, monuments, technological instruments(e.g. machines, etc.).

II. Institutions (normative sphere)

II-A Format rules and norms—expressed in fixed legal and sub-legal

formulae, moral precepts, religious dogmas, political and economic forms,

professional role definitions,—or in determining language conventions and

the obligations of social categories

II-B Informal rules and norms as appplied in the preceding domains:

customary models, collective habits and beliefs.

III. Collective representations (symbolic sphere)

III-A Societal values, collective ideals; opinions; representations which

the society has of itself; legends and myths; religious representation

(symbols, etc.).

III-B Free currents of social life, that are effervescent and not yet caught

in a definite mould; creative collective thinking; values and representations

in the prcess of emerging.†

† Adapted, with modifications and additions,from [9].

Fig. 3.1—The multi-layered model of social phenomena (social facts).

44 EMILE DURKHEIM

Durkheim began using the concept of collective representations in Suicide,

when he wrote that "essentially social life is made up of representations",

adding that "these collective representations are of quite another character from

those of the individual" [11] , p. 312. He wished to emphasize the collective or

social origin and character of beliefs and ideas, as opposed to explanations

which traced them to states of the individual consciousness. Collective represen-

tations included all "the ways in which the group conceives of itself in relation

to objects which affect it" [8] , p. xlix. They were derived from collective con-

cerns: "The group differs from the individual in its constitution and the things

that affect it are therefore of a different nature" [8] . Consequently, to understand

the way in which a society thinks of itself and of its environment one must con-

sider the nature of the society and not that of individuals. Even the symbols

which express these conceptions change according to the type of society" [8].

The example Durkheim gives of this is the correspondence between totemic

beliefs and clan organization. Furthermore, if the clan begins to believe in

higher divinities it is likely that it has joined in a higher level of social organiza-

tion, such as a tribe. He admitted one other possibility, and that was that once

certain collective representations had come into existence they might proceed to

develop in relative autonomy from material and morphological factors. In

which case it might be found that there were certain rules of combination which

were common to collective representations and the thought processes of the

individual. If such rules could be found they would provide common ground for

sociology and individual psychology; this was the task of social psychology. In

fact, the most prominent claim to have followed up this suggestion has come

from Claude Lévi-Strauss, who maintains that his structuralism follows up

Durkheim's proposition that:

"Myths, popular legends, religious conceptions of all sorts, moral beliefs,

etc., reflect a reality different from the individual's reality; but the way in

which they attract and repel each other, unite or separate, may neverthe-

less be independent of their content and may depend uniquely on their

general quality as representations… We need to investigate by compari-

son of mythical themes, popular legends, traditions, and languages, the

manner in which social representations adhere to and repel one another,

how they fuse or separate from one another, etc." [8] , p. 1-li.

In summary, it can be seen that Durkheim made four claims for collective repre-

sentations: (1) they are socially generated; (2) they represent social concerns;

(3) there is a structural correspondence with social organization; (4) once

formed they become relatively autonomous and combine, separate, and are

transformed, according to their own laws.

Social Currents and the Group Mind

THE WORK 45

In trying to stress that social representations were something more than indi-

vidual psychological phenomena, Durkheim sometimes made them sound like

emanations from a group mind. This was particularly the case when he wrote

about the least crystallized phenomona, which he called "social currents", and

contrasted them with the more crystallized phenomena:

"But there are other facts without such crystallized form which have the

same objectivity and the same ascendancy over the individual. These are

called 'social currents'. Thus the great movements of enthusiasm, indigna-

tion, and pity in a crowd do not originate in any one of the particular indi-

vidual consciousnesses. They come to each one of us from without and

can carry us away inspite of ourselves" [8] , p. 4.

He used this notion of social currents as a major explanatory variable in Suicide.

His argument, as we will see, was that suicide rates change as a result of

changes in social currents:

"It is not mere metaphor to say of each human society that it has a greater

or lesser aptitude for suicide; the expression is based on the nature of

things. Each social group really has a collective inclination for the act,

quite its own, and the source of all individual inclination, rather than their

result. It is made up of the currents of egoism, altruism, or anomy running

through the society under consideration with the tendencies to languorous

melancholy, active renunciation, or exasperated weariness derivative from

these currents. These tendencies of the whole social body, by affecting

individuals, cause them to commit suicide" [11] , pp. 299–300.

Although he said he was not using a mere mataphor, the notion of social cur-

rents does seem to draw on an electrical analogy, and this, combined with his

almost exaggerated insistence on the reality of social facts, gave the impression

that he believed in the existence of a group mind. It is now possible to see that

what he was trying to express in his concept of social currents was the idea of a

set of meanings that are shared (although not fixed) intersubjectively by mem-

bers of a population. As these meanings change, and the changed meanings are

communicated from one member to another, a change in the suicide rate (and in

other rates) will occur.

Institutions

Durkheim understood by the concept "institution" a set of beliefs and prac-

tices that had become normative (obligatory) and that were focused on a recur-

rent or continuous social concern. As part of his polemic against Utilitarianism

he stressed that institutions could not be explained simply as the rational

arrangements contrived by individuals to deal with contingencies of existence.

46 EMILE DURKHEIM

Institutions might well sustain the lives of individuals, but it could not be

assumed that individuals set about establishing them with that end in view. He

condemned Herbert Spencer and those other social theorists who had produced

a number of specific theories on the basis of this assumption that institutions

arose so as to permit individuals to attain their ends or express their nature, and

who then went on to explain the development of the institutions as having the

objective of making this expression easier or more complete:

"Thus domestic organization is commonly explained by the sentiment

parents have for their children, and children for their parents; the institu-

tion of marriage, by the advantages it presents for the married pair and

their progeny; punishment, by the anger which every grave attack upon

his interests causes in the individual. All economic life, as economists of

the orthodox school especially conceive and explain it, is definitely

dependent upon a purely individual factor, the desire for wealth" [8],

p. 100–101.

Durkheim denied that the structure of institutions could beexplained by starting

with the purposes in the minds of individuals (especially as these were difficult

to discover), nor could they be explained simply in terms of their usefulness to

the individual or society. He poured scorn on this utilitarian logic, asking sarcas-

tically about the social utility of institutions that prolonged the lives of "imbe-

ciles, idiots, lunatics, incurables of all sorts, of no use at all, yet whose existence

is prolonged, thanks to the privations imposed upon the normal, healthy work-

ers" [10] , p. 416.

Institutions were such complex bodies of norms that they could only be

explained in terms of their relations with other sets of social facts, e.g. as expres-

sions of collective representations (such as values and symbols to which people

are deeply attached) or as determined by morphological factors (such as tech-

nology, material resources, territory, pattern of settlement, demography). Mor-

phological factors were ultimately decisive in determining which of the alterna-

tive sets of practices bearing on a given activity were progressively eliminated

and which set became institutionalized. A more proximate selective determinant

of which set of practices became institutionalized was that of the requirement

for compatibility—the necessity for each institution to fit in with other

institutions.

Although purpose and usefulness could not explain why a set of practices

first became institutionalized, Durkheim did include usefulness among the

explanatory factors for explaining the continuing functions of an institution. He

chose the word "function" to characterise such usefulness because it did not

carry the psychological connotations of "purpose" or "goal". He recommended

that the sociologist should first search for the causes of an institution becoming

established (by reference to other sets of social facts—collective representations

THE WORK 47

and morphological factors), and then proceed to discover its function (s) and

social usefulness:

"If the determination of function is thus to be delayed, it is still necessary

for the complete explanation of the phenomena. Indeed, if the usefulness

of a fact is not the cause of its existence, it is generally necessary that it be

useful in order that it may maintain itself" [8] , p. 97.

However, there could be exceptions to this methodological prescription,

because some institutional practices could lose their functions and become sur-

vivals ("fossils"), or change their functions:

"…a fact can exist without being at all useful, either because it has never

been adjusted to any vital end or because, after having been useful, it has

lost all utility while continuing to exist by the inertia of habit alone. There

are, indeed, more survivals in society than in biological organisms. There

are even cases where a practice or a social institution changes its function

without thereby changing its nature" [8] , p. 91.

As institutions developed they tended to become internally more differentiated

and elaborated, and at the same time self-sustaining and self-justifying, i.e. the

tendency is for institutions to become relatively more autonomous of the origi-

nal set of factors that brought them into existence. The component elements

develop a dynamism of their own. Consequently, institutions do not necessarily

change concomitantly with changes in the morphological factors that brought

them into being. As the institution becomes more independent of the morpholog-

ical factors it also loses some of the close affinity it had with other institutions.

These considerations concerning the relative autonomy of instituitions in rela-

tion to morphological factors and other institutions have particular relevance to

any comparison between the different sociological models and theories of

change in the work of Durkheim and Marx. Durkheim refused to give any privi-

leged status to economic factors (whether morphological economic factors, such

as technology, or institutional factors relating to the mode of production).

The operation of norms is explained by Durkheim in terms of two processes:

(1) the influence of positive or negative sanctions that are structural components

of the norm; and (2) the legitimating effect produced by the prestige of the col-

lective representations that give the norm an appearance of coming from a supe-

rior source standing above the individual.

The first type of compulsion—sanctions of punishment and reward—is more

of a factual or technical constraint because it entails calculation, and conse-

quently it is not discussed much by Durkheim, except in The Division of Labour

and with regard to crime and punishment. He had a greater theoretical interest

in the second type of compulsion—that of a moral nature. He was fascinated by

the way in which we internalize norms so that they become our own, and yet

48 EMILE DURKHEIM

have an authority over us that gives us the sense that they come from a superior

source (God, Society, the State, etc.) outside ourselves, in contrast with utilitar-

ian calculation of advantage, and instincts, which are wholly within us. The rea-

son for this is that the norms consist of collective representations, which have a

social source, and which originally became fused into institutional practices in

the course of social interactions in which the sense of reciprocal belonging was

brought to a high pitch. The prototype of this was the religious gathering in

which the participants were moved to feel part of a collective whole, and collec-

tive representations and practices associated with that experienced whole took

on a sacred character, as opposed to the mundane world of everyday activity.

Everyday activities were characterized by technical and calculative activities,

and constituted a profane sphere. This distinction, or contrast, between the

sacred and profane was to feature in his discussion of religion, which he

regarded as the prototype social institution [12] . The collective sense of respect

for religious norms, due to their sacred character, closely paralleled the prestige

enjoyed by all norms. High prestige collective representations, such as sacred

myths, were to be found maintaining the sense of obligation in religious institu-

tions, and similarly, myths and symbols provided the sense of respect for norms

in other institutions. The possible exception was with regard to economic

norms, where there tended to be a greater degree of calculation of private inter-

ests. But even this predominantly mundane activity had once been related to the

sacred sphere, and still in modern society certain economic norms were obeyed

because they were ideologically justified by reference to superior authority of a

"sacred" nature, e.g. religiously originated ethics of duty and vocation.

There is one final point to note in Durkheim's discussion of the constraining

effects of social facts or institutions, and that concerns the scope left for the

individual to modify these phenomena. He explained the possibilities and limits

in this way:

"We do not mean to assert, incidentally, that social practices or beliefs

enter into individual without undergoing variations—to say this would be

to deny the facts. When we turn our thoughts to collective institutions—or

rather, when we assimilate them—we individualize them, just as when we

think of the sensible world, each of us colours it according to his gifts so

that we see a great many different subjects, differently expressed and

adapting themselves differently to the same physical milieu. This is why

every one of us, up to a certain point, forms his own religious faith, his

own cult, his own morality, and his own technology. There is no social

uniformity which does not accommodate a whole scale of individual gra-

dations; there is no collective fact which imposes itself on all individuals

uniformly. Nevertheless, the area of variations that are possible and toler-

ated is always and everywhere more or less restricted. Almost absent in

the religious and moral sphere, where innovation and reform are for all

practical purposes always called delinquent or sacrilegious, this area is

THE WORK 49

more extensive in the sphere of economic phenomena. But sooner or later,

we encounter, even here, a limit that we cannot transcend. Hence the char-

acteristic feature of social facts lies in the ascendancy which they exert

over the minds of individuals" [6] , p. 367–8.

Social Morphology (Substratum)

In setting aside a specific section of L'Année sociologique to deal with works

on social morphology, Durkheim described its subject-matter in the following

way:

"Social life rests upon a substratum which is determinate both in its extent

and in its form. It is composed of the mass of individuals who comprise

the society, the manner in which they are disposed upon the earth, and the

nature and configuration of objects of all sorts which affect collective rela-

tions. Depending on whether the population is more or less sizable, more

or less dense; depending on whether it is concentrated in cities or dis-

persed in the countryside; depending on the way in which the cities and

houses are constructed; depending on whether the space occupied by the

society is more or less extensive; depending on the borders which define

its limits, the avenues of communication which traverse it, and so forth,

this social stratum will differ" [13].

The study of these phenomena was being undertaken by various disciplines, and

they needed to be drawn together. He mentioned geography, which studied the

territorial forms of nations, history, which retraced the evolution of rural or

urban groups; and demography, which covered all that concerned the distribu-

tion of population. Their findings, which should be explanatory and not just

descriptive, would provide an account of the anatomical structure of ways of

life in the social realm, as the study of anatomy did in the life sciences.

In his various discussions of the development of institutions Durkheim sug-

gested that morphological factors played a major determining role in the genesis

of institutions, but that this declined in later stages, when other social factors

come to exercise a more immediate or direct influence. From this it can be seen

that he was not averse to giving a materialist explanation, like Marx, where it

was appropriate.

Crystallization and Consolidation

The difference between the various levels of social phenomena was

expressed by Durkheim in terms of degrees of crystalization or consolidation.

The level of morphological phenomena was described as "ways of existing".

These ways of existing were nothing more than crystallized "ways of acting".

The degrees of crystallization ranged from the most crystallized, such as territo-

rial divisions and patterns of habitation, through institutions, and down to the

50 EMILE DURKHEIM

dynamic and fluid collective representations, such as fashions and currents of

opinion:

"There is thus a whole series of degrees without a break in continuity

between the facts of the most articulated structure and those free currents

of social life which are not yet definitely moulded. The differences

between them are, therefore, only differences in the degree of consolida-

tion they present. Both are simply life, more or less crystallized" [8] , p. 12.

Normal and Pathological Facts

As the various levels of social phenomena were interrelated and interpenetrat-

ing, Durkheim believed it should be possible to construct a series of typical sets,

which could be arranged along an evolutionary or developmental continuum. At

each point on the continuum certain social facts would be "normal", and any

deviations could be considered "pathological":

"A social fact is normal, in relation to a given social type at a given phase

of its development, when it is present in the average society of that

species at the corresponding phase of its evolution" [8] , p. 64.

Thus, crime was not necessarily "pathological", which might be the common-

sense assumption, but rather certain crimes and rates of crime were perfectly

normal in a given social type, but other types and rates of crime could be con-

sidered "pathological". Unfortunately, this kind of typologizing or modelling,

when dependent on a limited number of historical cases, is very hard to carry

out, and it runs the risk of sinking into value judgements about "healthy" and

"unhealthy" social phenomena. Furthermore, it is almost impossible to apply to

existing, ongoing societies, which tended to be referred to as "transitional" by

Durkheim because they had not yet reached the state that his theoretical projec-

tion of the evolutionary process posited as normal. As with most theories that

contain an evolutionary element, there was an element of wishful-thinking in

his belief that contemporary conflicts and social problems were simply part of a

transitional crisis before the emergence of a more healthy state.

The Study of Social Facts in Durkheim's Main Works

In order to gain an idea of how Durkheim uses the concept of a social fact we

can briefly outline the structure of his argument in the three major works: Divi-

sion of Labour, Suicide, and Elementary Forms of the Religious Life. In each

work the argument is arranged in three parts. First, he gives a definition of the

subject-matter. Secondly, he presents various suggested explanations of this

phenomenon, usually of a psychologistic or individualistic nature. He then uses

a combination of argument and data to show the inadequacy of these explana-

tions, as, for example, with Spencer's thesis that the division of labour results

THE WORK 51

from the pursuit of increased happiness, that suicide rates are explicable in

terms of insanity, and that religion can be seen as the outgrowth of natural or

cosmic forces. Finally, in each case he puts forward his own sociological expla-

nation in which the social fact in question, the growth in the division of labour,

the comparative rates of suicide, totemic beliefs and practices, are explained in

terms of other social facts. In the Division of Labour the growth in population

volume, population density, and then in "moral density", produces a growth in

social differentiation, the division of labour, and the emergence of organic soli-

darity. In Suicide the comparative rates of suicide are determined by different

suicidogenic currents, which are themselves the result of religious and political

values in the society. While in the Elementary Forms, he argues that religion

serves certain functional needs that bind people together, and that what people

worship is really society itself.

REFERENCES

[1] Robert A.Nisbet, Emile Durkheim, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, Prentice-

Hall, 1965.

[2] Ginsberg, On the Diversity of Morals, London, Heinemann, 1956, p.51.

[3] Anthony Giddens, "The 'Individual' in the writings of Emile Durkheim", in

European Journal of Sociology, 12, 2, 1971, pp. 210–28.

[4] Steven Lukes, Emile Durkheim: His Life and Work, Harmondsworth, Pen-

guin, 1975, pp. 20–1.

[5] Durkheim, "Course in Sociology: Opening Lecture", in Mark Traugott

(ed.), Emile Durkheim on Institutional Analysis, Chicago, University of

Chicago Press, 1978, pp. 43–4.

[6] Durkheim, "Sociology", in Kurt H.Wolff (ed.), Emile Durkheim et al,

Essays on Sociology and Philosophy, New York, Harper Torchbookedn.,

1964, 376–85, p. 381.

[7] Georges Gurvitch, Traité de sociologie, Paris, Presses Universitaires de

France, 1958, 2nd edn. 1962, p. 11, my translation.

[8] The Rules , 1938, p.lvi.

[9] Jean Claude Filloux's introduction to Emile Durkheim, Les Science Sociale

et l'action, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1970, p. 48.

[10] Division of Labour , p.79.

[11] Suicide , p. 312.

[12] Cf. G.Poggi, "The Place of Religion in Durkheim's Theory of Institutions",

European Journal of Sociology, 12, 2, 1971, pp. 229–60.

[13] Durkheim, "Note on Social Morphology", originally published in L'Année

sociologique, 2, (1897–98), 520–21; the quotation is from Traugott (ed.),

1978, p. 88.

52 EMILE DURKHEIM

3.4 THE DIVISION OF LABOUR EM SOCIETY

3.4.1 Content, Context and Argument of the Book

On a first reading, The Division of Labour in Society [1] seems the most dated

and least convincing of Durkheim's major works. However, it is important for

understanding the starting-point of his sociology and its subsequent course of

development. It also contains many of the main components of his sociological

model and method. In addition, the famous second preface, published in 1902,

'Some Remarks on Occupational Groups', sets out his suggestions for dealing

with the pathological tendencies of capitalist social organization.

Although Durkheim wrote within the evolutonary framework of his sociologi-

cal predecessors, Comte and Spencer (and even Marx), his problematic—the

system of questions he addressed—was different in some respects. His predeces-

sors had been mainly concerned with the contrast between feudal society and its

successor, capitalist society. Durkheim's problematic was directed at a deeper

level, or a longer term perspective, and concerned the relation of the individual

to society. The developments he discussed were related not simply to the chang-

ing social relations brought about by capitalism, but to change in the bases of

social solidarity that began to occur in the most primitive or ancient societies.

This is illuminated by the fact that most of his examples are drawn from soci-

eties such as the American Indians, the Jewish tribes of the Old Testament,

ancient Egypt, and the Roman Republic. (In his later work, The Elementary

Forms of the Religious Life, he was to take most of his examples from ethno-

graphic reports on the Australian aborigines.) It is the relationship between the

individual and society that constituted the problematic of all aspects of

Durkheim's work, as manifested in the specific sociological, moral and political

problems it chose to address. The main sociological problem was concerned

with demonstrating the existence of society as a reality distinct from its individ-

ual parts, and composed of layers of social structures and social forces that

moulded and constrained the individual. The moral problem was how to recon-

cile individual freedom and social order. The political problem was how to fos-

ter forms of social organization that would produce spontaneous solidaristic

tendencies and maximize individual freedom.

The subject-matter of the book is clearly set out in the preface to the first

edition:

"This work had its origins in the question of the relations of the individual

to social solidarity. Why does the individual, while becoming more

autonomous, depend more upon society? How can he be at once more

individual and more solidarity?" The answer, he says, lies in "a transfor-

mation of social solidarity due to the steadily growing development of the

division of labour" [1] , pp. 37–38.

THE WORK 53

The questions are clear enough, but to a present-day reader the framework may

be obscure. Just what is the framework and its associated concepts that we are

expected to have as a resource for understanding these questions? Durkheim

insists that discussion be carried on in a scientific form, and he rejects all lay

conceptualizations. Fortunately, he makes clear in his introduction the sources

of the issues and the concepts. He mentions that several thinkers from the earli-

est times had seen the importance of the division of social labour (Aristotle is

specificially mentioned), but Adam Smith, at the end of the eighteenth century,

was the first to attempt a theory of it. The empirical reality to which the theory

referred had become obvious to everyone by the end of the nineteenth century:

"Nowadays, the phenomenon has developed so generally it is obvious to

all. We need have no further illusions about the tendencies of modern his-

tory; it advances steadily towards powerful machines, towards great con-

centrations of forces and capital, and consequently to the extreme division

of labour. Occupations are infinitely separated and specialized, not only

inside the factories, but each product is itself a speciality dependent upon

others" [1], p. 39.

Durkheim notes that the concept of the division of labour had become part of

the accepted wisdom, although ideas about it had not advanced much since

Adam Smith, despite its frequent use by economists. There had been two devel-

opments, however. One was the broadening of the scope of the notion as a

result of the work of biologists, who had demonstrated that the more specialized

the functions of an organism, the greater its development. The result was to give

the concept a wider, evolutionary meaning: "The division of labour in society

appears to be no more than a particular form of this general process" [1] , p. 41.

This, in turn, had led to another development in discussions of the concept, and

that was a debate about the moral merits of the division of social labour.

Is specialization good or bad? Some people made it into a moral imperative,

saying "Make yourself usefully fulfil a determinate function" [1] , p. 43. Others

pointed to the degrading nature of the division of labour in its effect on workers.

For his part, Durkheim recommended the avoidance of moral assertions, and

advocated the sociological analysis of the phenomenon, which he equated with

an attempt to get at the empirical facts of the matter. Analysis was to be divided

into three parts; first, an attempt should be made to determine the function of

the division of labour—what social need it satisfied; second, we should then

determine the causes and conditions on which it is dependent; and third, we

should try to classify the principal deviant, or abnormal forms that it takes.

Summarized in modern terms, these three Durkheimian modes of analysis are:

functional analysis, causal analysis, and the ideal type analysis (or modelling).

Such is Durkheim's introductory outline of the issues and his approach. It

emerges only later that the thesis has certain adversaries in mind as principal

intellectual opponents, against whom its arguments are directed. The opponents

54 EMILE DURKHEIM

are of two sorts. On the one hand there are the proponents of traditional moral

philosophy, who believe all questions of ethics can be resolved by deduction

from a priori principles. On the other hand are ranged social philosophies

which take the individual's inherent needs and capacities as their starting point,

and so reduce all social questions to questions of individual psychology. In the

first camp were Catholic moral philosophers and conservative traditionalists. In

the second camp were Utilitarian philosophers and political economists, the

most prominent of these being also the most influential sociologist of the nine-

teenth century—Herbert Spencer.

It could be said that the main scholarly intention of Durkheim's work was to

call into question all assertions about society that had not been framed in a form

that permitted empirical testing, and to advocate the formulation of questions in

sociological terms that gave pride of place to social factors as opposed to indi-

vidual psychological or biological factors. He shared the conviction of the

moralists that morals, interpreted in a very broad sense, constituted a fundamen-

tal layer of social existence that was indispensable for society, but he insisted

that the subject be brought down to earth and the morals be studied by way of

their concrete manifestations, particularly with regard to sanctions against their

contravention. Empirical and comparative investigation could reveal the precise

nature of moral codes and their social conditions of existence. In this way it

should be possible to explain why certain codes exist in specific social condi-

tions, as in the case of the large number of moral injunctions safeguarding the

rights and possessions of the individual in the societies of industrial capitalism.

In this, as in many other points, Durkheim's sociology had an impact on some

contemporaries that was very similar to that of Marx's mode of analysis. The

impact was that of a seemingly radical relativization of moral and legal codes,

and of their ideological justifications. Although Durkheim's own moral and

political preferences creep back in, he is much less inclined than earlier sociolo-

gists, such as Spencer, to give the impression that society has steadily evolved

until it has reached its highest level in his own present society. Indeed, the third

part of his book is given over to portraying the existing society as being very

poorly regulated and with a forced or artificial division of labour that left soci-

ety in a pathological state.

3.4.2 Spencer and social evolution

Spencer's sociology exerted a great influence in the second half of the nine-

teenth century, and there are at least forty references to him in The Division of

Labour, His combination of social evolutionary doctrines and utilitarian philo-

sophical principles made up a potent intellectual force, buttressed by the pres-

tige of Darwin's theory of evolution and advances in biological sciences, and

the ideological requirements of competitive capitalism, with its emphasis on

individual striving and the sanctity of individual property rights and the individ-

ual as consumer. However, towards the end of the century these principles

THE WORK 55

began to appear inadequate as a basis for national unity and progress, espcially

in France, which had suffered defeat at the hands of Germany and found its

prospects for progress blocked by social divisions.

The most widely-canvassed alternative to the laissez-faire principles of

Spencer and economists of the so-called Manchester School was an approach

which expected the State to create social solidarity and to direct social progress.

This was the approach favoured by a number of theorists, such as Comte in

France, and many of those whose work Durkheim had encountered in Germany,

including Ferdinand Tönnies. Although Durkheim's ideas on social develop-

ment followed a similar line to Comte and the Germans, he differed from them

in significant respects on this issue. On practical political grounds he did not

think much of the political regimes that were likely to result from their

approach, such as Bonapartist authoritarianism, or State directed capitalism

(which was Tönnies' version of socialism). On sociological grounds he main-

tained that industrial society, in its occupational structure, contained the basis

for a realistic, organic solidarity, that represented a superior basis for social inte-

gration than either self-interest or mechanical solidarity imposed by the State.

Although using a similar sort of classification of societies along a developmen-

tal continuum, from simple to complex forms, with "mechanical solidarity" at

one end and "organic solidarity" at the other, his emphasis was on the capacity

of levels of social organization below that of the State for producing solidarity.

He was as realistic as Marx in seeing that the economic structures were the dom-

inant structures of industrial society, but he also believed they had to be more

than just economic if they were to produce social stability and integration. In

effect, they had to accentuate their moral capacities, and their potential for

enabling the individual to feel a positive attachment to society.

Durkheim's discussion of the development of the division of labour, by its

very use of that key-note term, was bound to place him within the framework of

the social evolutionary paradigm. This created problems for him because, when

trying to differentiate his position from others, such as Spencer, who wrote

about the division of labour, he had to struggle against the priorities imposed by

that paradigm. For example, the concept of the division of labour carried the

implication that economic factors were the most fundamental. But Durkheim

believed that "the claim sometimes advanced that in the division of labour lies

the fundamental fact of all social life is wrong". Instead, his sociological model

had shared beliefs and sentiments as its most fundamental level, i.e. the collec-

tive conscience.

"There is, then, a social life outside the whole division of labour, but

which the latter presupposes. That is, indeed, what we have directly estab-

lished in showing that there are societies whose cohesion is essentially

due to a community of beliefs and sentiments, and it is from these soci-

eties that those whose unity is assured by the division of labour have

emerged" [1] , p. 277.

56 EMILE DURKHEIM

In Durkheim's eyes it was manifestly not the case, contrary to the confident

assertion of Spencer and utilitarian philosophy, that social solidarity was pro-

duced automatically be each individual pursuing his own interests in economic

exchange. Durkheim pointed out that economic exchanges in the modern divi-

sion of labour were based on contracts, and contracts required a prior, moral

framework, and that framework could not be explained as a product of

exchange. Furthermore, Durkheim repudiated the evolutionist theory that made

individual interest (egoism) the starting point of human history and pictured

cooperation and sociability (altruism) as a recent historical phenomenon. He

expressed regret that the prestige of Darwin's evolutionary ideas had given this

hypothesis authority, and had resulted in the drawing of a grotesque contrast

between primitive societies in which egoism was suppressed by coercion, whilst

modern society could depend upon the spirit of altruism emerging sponta-

neously among its members. It was not necessary to combat reactionary

philosophies that imagined a paradise lost in the past by making past society

appear dreary and by systematically belittling it. Nor was it scientific to dismiss

evidence of altruistic ideas in past societies as nothing more than superstitions.

Durkheim's view of human nature was that it contained a dualism. Every indi-

vidual had egoistic and altruistic tendencies, and the existence of society

depended on the maintenance of a certain degree of altruism. However, in con-

trasting primitive and advanced societies, Durkheim believed we would find

that the proportion and content of these tendencies, as incorporated in culture,

had changed.

3.4.3 Structure and change in primitive societies

Durkheim's main theoretical interest was in the functioning and content of the

collective conscience and collective representations which encompassed much

of what modern sociology calls Culture, especially those aspects of culture that

have an obligatory character, deviance from which brings into play sanctions

typical of a society at that particular stage of development. All levels of culture

were structured, or codified, and the codes could be deciphered by the sociolo-

gists. So far as the collective conscience was concerned, its contents could De

most easily observed in the form of legal codes, as these were the most highly

formalized codes, with the most clearly specified sanctions. In the simpler soci-

eties, characterized by a low division of labour, and where, as a result, there was

a high degree of resemblance and low differentiation in the functions performed

by members of the society, the law was repressive. Any infringement of the

mechanical solidarity produced by resemblance was highly disturbing and so

severely punished.

The simpler societies tended to be small, with everyone experiencing the

same conditions of existence, and therefore having the same perspective, which

was concrete and local in its characteristic ideas (representations):

THE WORK 57

"In a small society, since everyone is clearly placed in the same condi-

tions of existence, the collective environment is essentially concrete. It is

made up of beings of all sorts who fill the social horizon. The states of

conscience representing it then have the same character. First, they are

related to precise objects, as this animal, this tree, this plant, this natural

force, etc" [1] , p. 287.

Religion is the typical form of the collective conscience in the simpler societies,

and it too is concrete and local in its representations, concerned with beings that

relate to animals, trees, plants, and natural forces. Social organization is also

simple and local, and its typical form is segmental, according to which all por-

tions or groups are based on resemblance rather than difference. The horde is

the ideal type of an undifferentiated society, and then there is the clan form of

segmental organization, which is a horde that has ceased to be independent by

becoming an element in a more extensive group.

Despite the primacy of the culture factors in providing the basis for sociabil-

ity, and constituting, in Durkheim's model of the total social phenomenon, the

fundamental level, in The Division of Labour it is to material factors that he

looks for explaining change and development. The thesis of the book is that

functional specialization is brought about by an increase in material and

"moral" density. By these terms he means increases in population density and in

social interaction and exchange. The growth of cities is the "characteristic symp-

tom" of this phenomenon. Durkheim's account of the "progressive condensa-

tion" of societies in historical development draws heavily on Spencer's discus-

sion in his Principles of Sociology, particular with reference to the importance

of the population factor, involving an increase in volume and density of popula-

tion, in bringing about an increase in the division of labour. Increased popula-

tion density, the growth of cities, and improvements in transport and communi-

cation, all give rise to increased condensation of society, by multiplying intra-

social relations. He speaks of the gaps between the segments being filled in by

the growth of interactions and interdependence as individuals and groups spe-

cialize in serving certain functions and depending on others for what they can-

not produce themselves.

Durkheim admitted that it was not possible to observe any existing society

that corresponded to his model of the most basic social organization, the horde,

but its prior existence could be postulated by the existence of societies which

were formed out of a collection of simpler groups which approximated that

type. The Indians of North America, particularly the Iroquois tribe, are given as

an example. There was very little hierarchy or differentiation, and the segments

were like the rings of an earthworm. These segmental societies with a clan base

were a good example of societies in which there was a preponderance of

mechanical solidarity; that is, solidarity derived from likeness. Members shared

the same functions and perceptions, and religion pervaded the whole social life.

Property was held in common, just as were beliefs. To act contrary to the collec-

58 EMILE DURKHEIM

tive conscience, defined as "the totality of beliefs and sentiments common to

average members of the same society", was to risk being punished for having

committed an offence against religion as well as against the whole society.

3.4.4 Law and Punishment

It is Durkheim's use of law and punishment as indicators of societies approxi-

mating to his models that constitutes perhaps the most original sociological con-

tribution of The Division of Labour. (Another major contribution is his use of

the concept of "anomie", which was to feature extensively in Suicide. ) Examina-

tion of systems of crime and punishment serves several puposes in his sociologi-

cal analysis. Its most important purpose is to provide an empirical indicator of

the nature and condition of various levels of social organization and culture in a

society, in keeping with his general sociological model. It also serves the polem-

ical purpose of combating moral philosophers who insisted that there were abso-

lute moral principles, from which emanated all laws and morals in different

societies, and at the same time it combated the Utilitarians' assumption that

moral behaviour was the result of individuals making agreements that would

maximize their happiness. Durkheim aimed to show that there was no such

thing as an intrinsically criminal act. What was defined as criminal depended

completely on the pervailing sentiments and beliefs in each society. This fol-

lows naturally from his initial definition of a crime: "an act is criminal when it

offends strong and defined states of the collective conscience" [1] , p. 80. There

was no single formula that would allow us to predict in advance what would be

a crime; it would depend completely on the collective conscience at any time:

"In other words, we must not say that an action shocks the common con-

science because it is criminal, but rather that it is criminal because it

shocks the common conscience. We do not reprove it because it is a

crime, but it is a crime because we reprove it. As for the intrinsic nature

of these sentiments, it is impossible to specify them. They have the most

diverse objects and cannot be encompassed in a single formula. We can

say that they relate neither to vital interests of society nor to a minimum

of justice" [1], p. 81.

Law and the penal system provided an empirical indicator (an index external to

individual subjectivity) of more obscure and less easily observed social phe-

nomena at other levels of the social system, such as morals and currents of pub-

lic opinion. In simpler societies, these more impenetrable levels were dominated

by collective beliefs and sentiments of a religious nature, and so the law was in

large part religious law. Infractions were immediately, passionately, and

severely punished, because they were a threat to the basic solidarity of the soci-

ety, which was based on sameness of the mentalities of members, whose minds

were largely infused with the collective conscience. The function of the law was

THE WORK 59

to repress deviance, and this repressive law reserved its most severe sanctions

for offences against religious prescriptions, because these hit at the core of the

collective conscience. According to Durkheim, the evidence showed that this

relationship was so well established in primitive societies that they did not

bother to spell out the details of punishments for such serious offences. Where

records existed of punishments inflicted, as in the Old Testament, they showed

that religious offences were the most seriously punished. Offences that modern

societies consider grave, such as murder, were often less severely punished.

Another characteristic of repressive law was that, although some of the sanc-

tions may be specified, the moral beliefs or justifications were not. This was

because everyone knew them, and there was no need for formalization. For

example, the homicide law did not commend respect for life, but simply speci-

fied the punishment. Durkheim also rejected any explanations of punishment in

terms of its deterrent value. If that had been the case, punishments would not be

graded according to the seriousness of the crimes but according to the strength

of motivation to commit them. The function of repressive sanctions was to reaf-

firm solidarity in society by taking vengeance on the offender. Durkheim then

shocked his more complacent readers by asserting that this is still the case in

modern societies as far as repressive sanctions, or the criminal law, is con-

cerned. The difference is that "it now produces its effects with a much greater

understanding of what it does". But despite this greater consciousness of cause

and effects in the modern penal system, "the internal structure of phenomena

remains the same, whether they be conscious of it or not". (This is an example

of Durkheim's structuralist explanation and his rejection of explanation in terms

of the conscious intentions of actors.) His conclusion is that "the essential ele-

ments of punishment are the same as of old. And in truth, punishment has

remained, at least in part, a work of vengeance" [1] , p. 88.

Durkheim's explanation of penal systems is functionalist and structuralist.

Punishment serves the "unconscious" (or "latent") function of reaffirming ele-

ments of the collective conscience and so maintaining social solidarity. "Its true

function is to maintain social cohesion intact, while maintaining all its vitality

in the common conscience… We can thus say without paradox that punishment

is above all designed to act upon upright people…" [1] , p. 108. The increasingly

more conscious, or intended, functions of penal policies, such as policies of cor-

rection and deterrence, were still only secondary in modern societies. This

could be seen from the fact that penalties were graded according to the gravity

of the offence, which meant the extent to which it offended the collective con-

science, not according to the proven success of such penalties in reforming or

deterring offenders. The more fundamental causes of penal codes were the func-

tional requirements of deeper cultural structures, such as beliefs and sentiments.

Penal codes derived from these deeper sentiments, and the functioning of these

codes, reaffirmed and revitalized the sentiments, which provided the social soli-

darity based on the binding nature of the collective conscience.

The difference between law and punishment in primitive societies and in

60 EMILE DURKHEIM

more complex societies was that the scope and character of the collective con-

science had changed. Mechanical solidarity based on resemblance had

decreased as the division of labour increased. Law and punishment provided an

external index of the change. There was still some criminal law which, in its

repressive sanctions, functioned to revitalize and reaffirm the collective con-

science when it was offended directly, or when it was offended indirectly by

actions against its representative organs, the State institutions, such as govern-

ment agencies and regulations, or the police. Otherwise, law and punishment

were concerned with restoring relations between individuals, or contractual par-

ties, to the state in which they had existed before the act which upset them. In

societies with an advanced division of labour there was less resemblance and

more differences based on specialization of functions. Social solidarity

depended on cooperation between specialized functions and their agents, and

restitutive sanctions and civil law reflected these structural realities. The special-

ization of functions was most obviously apparent in commercial legal codes,

which regulated business contracts. But restitutive law also included procedural

law, administrative law, constitutional law, and domestic law, all of which were

concerned with maintaining or restoring cooperative relations.

The extension of restitutive law and the diminution of repressive law was an

index of an increase in the division of labour and the changed base of social

solidarity. The reciprocity between specialized functions created an organic

solidarity, analogous to the relations between specialized organs in the body.

However, one of the organs had a certain priority because it directed the func-

tioning of the others; in the body it is the brain, and in society that organ is the

State. It was because of its centrality and representative nature that the State had

a privileged position with regard to the law. Some crimes, which did not seem

to offend directly against public opinion, were nonetheless severely punished,

and this was because they damaged the dignity or authority of the State and its

agencies, such as the police. The State laid claim to being the representative and

embodiment of the collective conscience, and so any offence against the State

was an offence against the collective conscience—thus constituting a threat to

social solidarity. However, in terms of the evolutionary framework of

Durkheim's models, such claims should diminish, as they amounted to basing

solidarity in a society with an advanced division of labour on the mechanism of

like-mindedness or a forced conformity, rather than on functional interdepen-

dence. Organic solidarity could only supplant mechanical solidarity in a society

where all the parts—institutions, and role-players in institutions—functioned

according to rules (norms) that were spontaneously generated and positively

accepted. The problem with existing industrial capitalist societies in

Durkheim's view was that such a situation had not been achieved, and the divi-

sion of labour was artificial and forced. Consequently, there was widespread

'anomie'—an absence of recognized and positively accepted norms to regulate

action, and in Marx's terms "alienation" due to "forced" division of labour.

THE WORK 61

3.4.5 Anomie and the forced division of labour

According to Durkheim, the prevalence of anomie, which he was to document

further in his study of suicide, showed that the line of development of the divi-

sion of labour had deviated from its "logical" course. The current line of devel-

opment taken by the existing industrial/ capitalist societies seemed to him to be

"abnormal" or "pathological", because it deviated from the path of developing

organic solidarity. The third section of the book is given over to an examination

of these pathological developments, which he suggested were due to an over-

rapid industrialization and unequal distribution of power between the groups or

classes involved. Inequality was particularly evident in the relations between

classes, because those who had only their labour to offer were in a weaker posi-

tion when entering into a contract than those who had the accumulated

resources to purchase their labour, especially in conditions in which inheritance

of wealth perpetuated inequality:

"If one class of society is obliged, in order to live, to take any price for its

services, while another can abstain from such action thanks to resources at

its disposal which, however, are not necessarily due to any social superior-

ity, the second has an unjust advantage over the first at law. In other

words, there cannot be rich and poor at birth without there being unjust

contracts" [1] , p. 384.

Organic solidarity could develop only if there was a progressive elimination of

external inequalities in the conditions affecting contracting partners. Inherited

wealth was one major source of inequality that would have to be abolished.

Other external inequalities that needed to be eliminated were those which hin-

dered the "spontaneous" division of labour; by which he meant all those factors

which prevented people from entering the occupations for which they were best

suited. In short, he believed equality of oportunity was required to produce

organic solidarity in a society with an advanced division of labour:

"…we may say that the division of labour produced solidarity only if it is

spontaneous and in proportion as it is spontaneous. But by spontaneity we

must understand not simply the absence of all express violence, but also

of everything that can even indirectly shackle the free unfolding of the

social force that each carries in himself. It supposes, not only that individ-

uals are not relegated to determinate functions by force, but also that no

obstacle, of whatever nature, prevents them from occupying the place in

the social framework which is compatible with their faculties. In short,

labour is divided spontaneously only if society is constituted in such a

way that social inequalities exactly express natural inequalities" [1], p. 377.

Inequalities external to the individual's inherent capacities resulted in a

62 EMILE DURKHEIM

"forced" division of labour that affected whole classes. This was different from

the "anomic" division of labour, which referred to an absence of regulation of

the relations between functions and classes. The anomic division of labour also

manifested itself in conflict between classes, especially in disputes over wages,

whenever there was no mechanism for reaching agreement. However,

Durkheim's discussion of the class conflict associated with the forced division

of labour showed that he did not think the mere absence of regulations, as in

anomic division of labour, was the main problem:

"It is not sufficient that there be rules, however, for sometimes the rules

themselves are the cause of evil. This is what occurs in class-wars. The

institution of classes and of castes constitutes an organization of the divi-

sion of labour, and it is a strictly regulated organization, although it often

is a source of dissention. The lower classes not being, or no longer being,

satisfied with the role which has devolved upon them from custom or by

law aspire to functions which are closed to them and seek to dispossess

those who are exercising those functions. Thus civil wars arise which are

due to the manner in which labour is distributed" [1] , p. 374.

His discussion of the need to remove the inequalities which produce the forced

division of labour rather than a meritocracy base don inherent talent and prefer-

ence, shows that his main concern was with social equality. It is true that some

of his criticisms were directed against the inefficient or insufficient regulation

of the existing socio-economic system, which included the failure to regulate

markets and to plan the economy, and "abnormal" division of labour due to inef-

ficient organization. But his view of what would constitute a "normal" state

amounted to more than a more efficiently regulated version of the existing sys-

tem; it involved projecting structural tendencies of past development beyond the

existing state and towards an ideal state of greater equality. The main task of an

advanced society was not to improve efficiency, but to strive for justice.

"The task of the most advanced societies is, then, a work of justice. That

they, in fact, feel the necessity of orienting themselves in this direction is

what we have already shown and what everyday experience proves to us.

Just as the ideal of lower societies was to create or maintain as intense a

common life as possible, in which the individual was absorbed, so our

ideal is to make social relations always more equitable, so as to assure the

free development of all our socially useful forces…. There are no needs

more firmly entrenched than these tendencies, for they are a necessary

consequences of changes which have occurred in the structure of soci-

eties" [1], p. 387–8.

By the end of The Division of Labour, it is clear that Durkheim had doubts

about the possibility of organic solidarity emerging automatically from the

THE WORK 63

increasing division of labour. It would require a more conscious effort of plan-

ning and reform to bring it about. It was to this end that he added his sugges-

tions for the developing of occupational associations, as set out in the Second

Preface, and also insisted that social causes of inequality should be eliminated.

In contrast to Spencer, the Utilitarians, and most nineteenth century economists,

Durkheim's social analysis led to the advocacy of more 'collectivism social

policies. The anomic and abnormal forms of the division of labour could only

be solved by more planning of the economy, better organization, and more orga-

nized involvement of workers and employers in the joint regulation of their

industries.

3.4.6 Individualism

The issue of individualism reappears frequently with regard to two types of

development. Firstly, he traces the development of "individuation", whereby

there is a loosening of the bonds that bind the individual in the collectivity. In

contrast with simple societies, advanced societies exhibit a lower volume, inten-

sity, and rigidity of the beliefs, values, and rules of conduct that constitute the

collective conscience. This process can be described as "individuation" because

it leaves individuals with a greater scope to develop their own propensities and

inclinations. But this does not mean that the collective conscience disappears,

which would run counter to Durkheim's fundamental view of society as a cul-

tural unity. Rather, the content of the collective conscience changes and is typi-

cally different from that of simple societies. Secondly, therefore, Durkheim dis-

cusses individualism in terms of changes in the content of the culture of

advanced societies compared with that of the simpler societies. The typical

moral ideal or ideology of the culture of advanced societies is that of the "cult

of the individual", according to Durkheim. This can take many forms, and can

co-exist with different types of economic arrangements, but it always entails a

moral validation of the specialized division of labour, and from that there fol-

lows the concomitant belief that individuals should be able to develop their tal-

ents and capacities to the fullest extent. This value was expressed in the slogan

of the French Revolution: "Liberty, equality and fraternity", and was fully

endorsed by Durkheim as the appropriate value for modern societies based on

an advanced division of labour.

The theory of change

The theory of change employed in The Division of Labour focuses on the

interplay between material and ideal factors. It starts with material factors—that

is, changes in the volume and density of the raw material of society. An

increase in the degree of concentration of the social mass (population increases,

urbanization, improved communications and transport) produces higher levels

of social interaction. This engenders competition and conflict, which in turn

64 EMILE DURKHEIM

gives rise to differentiation of functions, the division of labour, on which

organic solidarity is based. However, although this occurs in a seemingly

'mechanical' fashion, determined by structural pressures, it does not inevitably

take this course unless certain cultural factors facilitate it [1], p. 286. Among

these so-called "secondary factors" are a change in the content of the common

conscience from the local and concrete to more abstract; secularization and the

rise of science; more autonomy for the individual; a decline in traditions and an

increase in rationality, particularly in morals and the law. As differentiation of

functions proceeds, the number of rules or norms in society increases, but they

relate only to their specialized sphere, and so they carry less weight in society

and can more easily allow for innovations. In order for rules to become more

general they must become more abstract, and this in turn leaves more space for

individual divergences [1] , p. 303.

In terms of the development of Durkheim's sociology, this first major work is

significant for the fact that it appears to give priority to material causal factors

at the morphological level of social life, such as population factors and the

struggle for existence resulting from increased population density. But it is clear

that, as the argument developed, Durkheim's theoretical interest was in cultural

and organizational factors. Whilst insisting that sociology should pay attention

to all levels of social phenomena, including the morphological level, Durkheim

focused his attention on the level at which beliefs and values became crystal-

lized in the form of institutions, where behaviour is regulated by norms backed

by sanctions. It is in this sense that he described sociology as the study of institu-

tions. In The Division of Labour the main institution on which attention is

focussed is the law; in other works it was to be education, the family, and reli-

gion. After the publication of The Division of Labour, Durkheim was concerned

to defend himself against the charge that he was a "materialist", because he had

given causal primacy to material factors. In his defence he made a statement

that has since been used to suggest that his sociology became completely ideal-

ist. The statement was to the effect that "The principal social phenomena, reli-

gion, ethics, law, economy, and aesthetics, are nothing else but a system of val-

ues". (Durkheim, 'Jugements de valeurs', in Sociologie et Philosophic, [2] , p.

140). However, it was the process of institutionalization of values, and the artic-

ulation of different levels of social phenomena, that remained the focus of

Durkheimian sociology and especially of his theory of social change.

Durkheim's theory of change in The Division of Labour has been misinter-

preted or underestimated at various times in sociology. Recently there has

begun to develop a better appreciation of its innovative basic idea that as soci-

eties evolve over time and take on different organizational characteristics, they

are subject to different sources of conflict and disruption. It is a mistake to

judge the theory as giving priority either to materialist or idealist (cultural) fac-

tors; the main focus is on the changing nature of social organization and the

consequent changes in the source of conflict. His suggestion is that the potential

for conflict increases under two different sets of conditions, each of which is

THE WORK 65

relevant for a society at a given degree of complexity. In the first set of condi-

tions, when a society with low social differentiation experiences an increase in

population size and density, there is increased competition for scarce resources.

Increased differentiation (specialized division of labour) is then one possible

resolution to the intensifying struggle for existence. However, such a develop-

ment raises new problems, for as it frees "itself from the framework which

encloses it", it engenders opposition from those supportive of that social frame-

work and structure [1], pp. 183–4. Groups seeking change induce opposition

and resistance from those in power who seek to maintain the old "political-

familial" order.

The situation in societies which reach a more complex division of labour is

different. According to the ideal type, increased differentiation of functions

should ease the problems of competition for scarce resources, and produce

greater interdependence. However, Durkheim's theory proceeds to enumerate

some of the conditions which, in practice, produce conflict. He refers to these as

the "forced" and "anomic" forms of the division of labour. The forced division

of labour occurs whenever labour is divided in the presence of persisting social

inequalities, especially those perpetuated through the hereditary transmission of

wealth. In such circumstances, conflict in the form of class or civil war will

result [1] , pp. 374–88.

The anomic division of labour occurs where norms regulating activities break

down or fail to emerge. One source of this anomie was where rapid economic

change gave rise to new "interests in conflict (which) have not yet had time to

be equilibrated" [1], p. 370. Another source was where discrepancies exist

between a group's expectations and their achievements. In a such a condition of

"relative deprivation", norms governing the means to goal attainment break

down, and anomie and increased disorder could result. Some sociologists have

sought to make international comparisons, maintaining that, on the basis of this

theory, it should be possible to predict that in countries with an advanced divi-

sion of labour, greater inequality and/or deprivation and/or rapid rate of change

would be important predictors of higher levels of political instability and con-

flict. Empirical studies carried out along these lines, comparing societies in

terms of indicators of these variables, tend to give some support to the thesis,

(cf Peter G.Sinden [3] ).

3.4.8 Criticisms and developments of Durkheim's ideas in The

Division of Labour

Some of the criticisms that have been levelled against the theoretical framework

and the empirical evidence of The Division of Labour have already been men-

tioned. The theoretical weaknesses are mainly in the evolutionary framework

and the organic analogy, and they are defects of which Durkheim himself was

in some respects conscious. From time to time he pointed out that this kind of

"scaffolding" would have to be dismantled, once the bases of proper causal

66 EMILE DURKHEIM

analysis had been established. He also sought to make clear that he did not

believe in a unilinear course of evolution for all societies, but rather thought that

comparative sociology should have in mind various abstract models or ideal

types along a developmental continuum, and that actual research would use this

as a reference point against which to analyse specific deviations in existing soci-

eties. The developmental continuum was drawn up in relation to his problematic

of issues concerning the relation of the individual to society—issues of forms of

organization and social integration. Thus the contrast between the extreme ideal

types of mechanical and organic solidarity was not on the same level of compar-

ison as the more historically and economically specific types used by Marx,

when discussing capitalism and its immediate predecessor: feudalism. If this is

kept in mind, then there is no insuperable barrier or opposition between the theo-

ries of Marx and Durkheim; they are potentially complementary, or at least

mutually cross-fertilizing.

Unfortunately, Durkheim has been held responsible for many subsequent

developments in sociological analysis with which he might not have agreed.

The so-called functionalist, or neo-Durkheimian, theory of industrial society

and of organizations is an example of guilt by association (or guilt by inspira-

tion), so far as Durkheim is concerned. The charges are that Durkheim

neglected the inherent class divisions of capitalism by virtue of his depiction of

a single type of industrial society based on an advanced division of labour, and

that he regarded the anomic and abnormal forms of the division of labour as

exceptional rather than inherent in the capitalist system itself. It is then sug-

gested that subsequent management theories such as those of the Human Rela-

tions School, directed towards getting the workers to understand and appreciate

their role in the differentiated work process, and to give their commitment to

management goals, are in a direct line of succession from Durkheim's argu-

ments about the importance of the moral regulation of industry. However, this

interpretation ignores the context in which Durkheim made his remarks about

workers' anomie, and it distorts Durkheim's political position by making it

seem as if his main concern was with maintaining and promoting capitalism,

when in fact his sympathies were with socialism. The fact that socialist societies

have still had to wrestle with problems of workers' anomie—that is, with devel-

oping forms of work organization and political/ economic organization that are

meaningful to the individual—shows that Durkheim's problematic had a gen-

eral relevance. Furthermore, management theories and policies which concen-

trate on rectifying problems of the anomie division of labour, deriving from the

absence of norms to which the worker can feel attached, ignore Durkheim's

other pathological condition—the forced division of labour. Durkheim was

quite explicit that external inequalities and injustices would have to be removed

before there could be a spontaneous division of labour based on freedom.

Whereas the problematic of the management theorist gives priority to questions

of increasing efficiency, Durkheim's problematic revolved around the issue of

reconciling individual freedom and social solidarity.

THE WORK 67

Within the field of the sociology of industry, Eldridge [4] has shown how the

two sources of deviance from the ideal type of spontaneous organic solidarity—

the anomie and the forced—can lead to different consequences and require dif-

ferent solutions. In the case of anomie, there are two possible consequences.

One general consequence is that the absence of regulation can lead to unspeci-

fied desires, and the other is that for the individual specialist worker, work itself

can lose its meaning. With regard to the forced division of labour, the possible

consequences are, firstly, a resentment of exploitation and an attempt to meet

force with force (resistance or revolution); secondly, there is the response of

fatalistic acceptance of domination. In a society where anomie and forced divi-

sion of labour are combined, the unlimited desires/resentment and meaningless-

ness/fatalism pairs reinforce each other. Some critics (e.g. Horton [5] ) have

sought to contrast Durkheim's concept of anomie with Marx's concept of alien-

ation, but the contrast only holds up if anomie is kept separate from the forced

division of labour; whereas in practice, as Durkheim perceived, they are fre-

quently combined. There can be absence of regulation (anomie) at one level and

coercive regulation at another level (forced division of labour), as exemplified

by unrestricted competition and lack of agreement over the regulation of prices

and incomes, on the one hand, and inequality of opportunities on the other.

However, in Durkheim's view, spontaneous attachment to norms (as distinct

from coerced attachment deriving from an imposed ideology) could only occur

when the forced division of labour was mitigated. As Alan Fox has emphasized,

although Durkheim did not believe mitigation of the forced division of labour

would in itself cope with the problem of anomie, he did regard it as an essential

precondition [6] , pp. 234–5. This is ignored by critics who have accused him of

inspiring a belief in the capacity of managerial human relations techniques for

curing workers' anomie. He made it clear anomie could only be dispelled by

policies based on equality and justice. The most important contribution that he

made to contemporary studies of work organization, trades unionism and indus-

trial relations, was in insisting on the significance of social justice, ethics and

values. (See, for examples, Michael Poole's discussion of Durkheim's influence

on members of the 'Oxford School' of industrial relations, such as Alan Fox,

Allan Flanders, and Hugh Clegg [7])

3.4.9 Changes in Durkheim's sociology of law and punishment

In The Division of Labour, Durkheim used systems of law and punishment as an

indicator of different types of social integration. He drew a sharp contrast

between two systems of law: one dominated by repressive sanctions and corre-

sponding to mechanical solidarity, and the other characterized by a predomi-

nance of restitutive principles corresponding to organic solidarity. Critics

pointed out that the contrast was overdrawn, and also that many of the societies

he used as examples of mechanical solidarity and repressive penal systems were

in fact not simple tribal or clan societies, but already possessed the rudiments of

68 EMILE DURKHEIM

central state organization, as in the case of the ancient Jewish and Roman soci-

eties. However, he made some strategic alterations to his sociology of law and

punishment in his article, Two Laws of Penal Evolution' [8] first published in

L'Année sociolagique in 1900. This article responded to some of the criticisms

by modifying the former opposition between repressive sanctions and restitutive

principles.

The most important additions or modifications to his original thesis were con-

cerned with his classification of crimes, and with regard to the political factor.

Whereas, in the original thesis, the main contrast was between repressive and

restitutive sanctions, in the later article the contrast involves a classification of

crimes into those that are fundamentally religious in character—offences

against shared moral tenets that constitute the collective conscience—and those

that are "individual", in the sense of involving the essentially private interests of

increasingly autonomous individuals. Penal sanctions also change in quantity

and quality, with a movement away from corporal punishment and toward

depriving the individual of possessions or freedom, i.e. fines and imprisonment.

This development corresponds to the increasing differentiation within society,

and the increasing focus on the individual, in this case as criminal or victim.

Durkheim makes an interesting point about prisons only coming into existence

when a society reached a sufficiently advanced stage of material development

to permit the existence of secure and fortified establishments, such as castles or

other large dwellings of a king or class of notables.

With regard to the political factor, Durkheim conceded that the process of

differentiation within society, as the key determinant of law and punishment,

might be temporarily overshadowed by the effects brought about by variations

in political institutions. The specific case he had in mind was where governmen-

tal power became absolute, with no countervailing limitation from other institu-

tions. In such situations, punishments would become more severe and repres-

sive. Durkheim regarded such occurences as exceptional deviations from the

normal course of development. However, later studies of the pattern of political

development, especially of colonial states, tend to suggest that repressive law

may be a normal feature at a certain stage of development. Criminalization of

offences that were previously treated as purely civil matters seems to occur in

the period when a state is being newly formed and wishes to assert its authority

over traditional and local institutions previously oriented to restitutive justice.

This repressive penal policy may be yet another example of the symbolic func-

tions of punishment, about which Durkheim wrote with such insight. In this

case the newly-emerging state institutions seek to assert their hegemony over

other institutions and over the minds of the citizens, and so anything that

detracts from the dignity and authority of the State is severely punished.

Law and Penal Policy—Modifications and Criticisms

Before examining some of the criticisms that have been levelled against

THE WORK 69

Durkheim's sociology of law, and the modifications and alternatives that have

been suggested, it is worth noting that even his most severe critic maintains that

"there is also an underlying validity in the importance that Durkheim attaches to

the law for any understanding of society" [9], p. 36. Certainly the phenomenon

of law was of crucial importance in Durkheim's sociological model because it

was an external indicator of a level of social life at which moral forces became

crystallized and institutionalized to a degree where they were formalized and

backed by sanctions.

The most common criticism is that Durkheim overestimated the extent to

which law is repressive in pre-industrial societies, and underestimated the

extent to which repressive law continues in industrial societies. An early review

of The Division of Labour, when it appeared in English in 1933, pointed out that

anthropological evidence acquired in the forty years since the book's first

appearance showed that there was much division of labour and little repressive

law in primitive societies [10]. One of the most famous pieces of anthropologi-

cal research that seemed to provide evidence contrary to Durkheim's thesis was

carried out by Malinowski in the Trobriand Islands [11] . It stressed the recipro-

cal and tolerant nature of the Trobrianders' social relations and the non-

religious basis of their legal system. A later summary of ethnographic evidence

by Barnes also came to the conclusion that the evidence did not substantiate

Durkheim's claim that society's evolutionary development had been accompa-

ined by a change in the law from repressive to restitutive. Barnes maintained

that "the ethnographic evidence shows that, in general, primitive societies are

not characterized by repressive laws", and that "it is governmental action that is

typically repressive" [12] , pp. 168–9.

A more radical criticism is to the effect that Durkheim was right in positing a

parallel development in the division of labour and in legal systems, but that he

got it the wrong way round. Sheleff maintains that the development has been in

the direction of more repressive law. In his view the repressive nature of mod-

ern legal systems may be a consequence of the degree of homogeneity and con-

formity which mass society has imposed on modern man, as noted by sociolo-

gists of different political persuasions, from the conservative Ortega y Gasset to

the radical C.Wright Mills, from Rise man's other-directed man to Marcuse's

one-dimensional man. The criminalization of offences against moral standards

and government regulations has been examined from various angles, ranging

from sociologists concerned with social reform (who may advocate the use of

the law to control pollution or enforce the wearing of seat-belts in cars), to soci-

ologists of deviance who criticize those "moral entrepreneurs" who try to use

the criminal law to have their standards of morality imposed on all of the popu-

lation (cf Howard Becker [13] ). Two prominent approaches to the sociology of

deviance—conflict and labelling—have pointed to the repressive aspects of

modem legal systems, and have focused attention on the political process by

which acts become defined as criminal, and on the practical administrative pro-

cess of police, judicial, and correctional actions by which an individual

70 EMILE DURKHEIM

becomes defined as deviant. Both these theories stress the social need for stig-

matizing deviant groups and deviant acts, and draw some inspiration from

Durkheim's own analysis of the functional importance for society of finding an

outlet for its hostility against deviant groups as a means of contributing to the

solidarity of the community.

An important factor modifying Durkheim's original thesis is that of the politi-

cal structure. Durkheim placed his emphasis on the general process of increas-

ing division of labour and structural differentiation within modem society. How-

ever, the emergence and growth of the State as the dominant institution, or insti-

tutional complex, has presented a major deviation from Durkheim's postulated

trend. Although he tried to take account of the political factor in his later article,

"Two Laws of Penal Development", he still regarded the increase of repressive

law as a temporary deviation brought about by the pathological form of "abso-

lute" State. He limited his analysis of governmental authoritarianism to its

impact on the intensity and type of punishment, without going on to consider its

possible impact on social structure and the nature of law. If, as seems likely, it

is a normal occurrence for governments of industrial societies to use penal sanc-

tions to maintain control over wide areas of social life, it would be necessary to

modify Durkheim's thesis that the normal course of development is for repres-

sive law to dimmish as the division of labour increases. A compromise position,

suggested by some sociologists, modifies Durkheim's thesis of a unilinear

development of the law and puts forward a curvilinear sequence (Du Bow [14]).

According to this view, there is a move from restitutive law in the most simple

societies, to repressive la win the early stages of the establishment of a State as

it attempts to gain a monopoly of the legitimate use of coercion, followed by a

return to restitutive law when the State has become established and mature.

Civil and restitutive law can predominate when there is a high degree of social

solidarity and value integration, and criminal law predominates when the emerg-

ing State has still to establish its ideological hegemony. This curvilinear devel-

opment thesis still entails a modification of Durkheim's view that simple soci-

eties needed repressive law in order to maintain social solidarity. However, it

does not go against most of the empirical evidence cited by Durkheim, because

the majority of the cases he cited as examples of non-industrial societies with a

high degree of repressive law were in fact at the stage of developing a central

state organization.

REFERENCES

[1] Emile Durkhiem, The Division of Labour in Society, trs. George Simpson,

New York, Free Press paperback edn, 1964.

[2] Emile Durkheim, Sociologie et Philosophie, Paris, Presses Universaires de

France, 1951.

[3] Peter G.Sin den, "Political Instability, Durkheim and the Division of

THE WORK 71

Labour: A Cross-National Analysis", Humboldt Journal of Social Relations,

6, 2, 1979, pp. 46–78.

[4] John Eldridge, Sociology and Industrial Life, London, Michael Joseph, 1971.

[5] John Horton, "The Dehumanisation of Anomie and Alienation: A Problem

in the Ideology of Sociology", British Journal of Sociology, vol. 15, no. 4,

pp. 283–300.

[6] Alan Fox, Beyond Contract: Work, Power and Trust Relations, London,

Faber, 1974.

[7] Michael Poole, Theories of trade unionism: A sociology of industrial rela-

tions , London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1981.

[8] Emile Durkheim, "Two Laws of Penal Evolution" in Mark Traugott (ed.),

Emile Durkheim on Institutional Analysis, Chicago, University of Chicago

Press, 1978.

[9] Leon, S.Sheleff, "From Restitutive Law to Repressive Law: Durkheim's

The Division of Labour in Society revisited" European Journal of Sociol-

ogy, XVI, 1, 1975, pp. 16–45.

[10] E.Paris, Book review in American Journal of Sociology, XL, 1934, p. 367.

[11] B.Malinowski, Argonauts of the Western Pacific, New York, Dutton, 1922.

[12] John Barnes, "Durkheim's Division of Labour in Society", Man, n.s.

1,1966, pp. 158–75.

[13] Howard, Becker, Outsider: Studies in the sociology of deviance, New York,

Free Press, 1963.

[14] Fred Du Bow, "Nation-Building and the Imposition of Criminal Law" ,

paper delivered to the American Sociological Association Annual Meeting,

August 1974, in Montreal Canada.

3.5 THE RULES OF SOCIOLOGICAL METHOD

3.5.1 Character of the book—manifesto and transitional

The Rules [1] is a manifesto for the cause of scientific sociological analysis. It

is not a distillation of lessons learned in doing sociological research. The

strength of his advocacy of certain methodological positions arose from his

polemical interest in asserting the claims of sociology against contemporary

detractors or rivals, and in distancing himself from unscientific predecessors. It

has even been suggested that methodological interests were not dominant in his

thinking, and that he regarded methods in a purely instrumental manner, so

much so that he would have agreed with the remark of another social scientist

that "discussing methodology is like playing the slide trombone. It has to be

done extraordinarily well if it is not to be more interesting to the person who

does it than to others who listen to it" [2] . However, he was a devasting critic of

inadequate methods, as can be seen in his reviews in the Année.

Because of its manifesto-like character, it would be unfair to judge

72 EMILE DURKHEIM

Durkheim's methodological position on the basis of the Rules taken in isolation,

just as it would be unfair to judge Marx's methodology and epistemology on the

basis of the Communist Manifesto. In the case of Marx, a full appreciation of

the richness and variety of his methods can only be gained by comparing works

as diverse as Capital, the Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon, and others. It

is even more important in appreciating Durkheim's position to take account of

the full range of his works, from the early reviews, where he can be seen work-

ing out his own position in relation to his predecessors and contemporaries

(especially the German social scientists), through to his later works on primitive

classification and religion, and including neglected but important works such as

The Evolution of Educational Thought [3].

An examination of some of these works makes it plain that his methodologi-

cal ideals in the Rules only partly resembled his actual methods. He employed a

dialectical form of argument in discussing methods, which entailed setting forth

antithetical views that he then criticized and seemingly discarded. But then he

would often reincorporate elements of these positions in his own synthesis. This

dialectial procedure, whereby he synthesized and reintegrate din his own

approach positions which he had first criticized, is more important for under-

standing his thought than the other procedure he used, which was "argument by

elimination", in which alternative positions are systematically rejected in a way

meant to lend authority to the sole remaining position—his own. Such an argu-

ment proves nothing, as there is no way of knowing whether all the possible

alternatives have been considered, nor need the various positions be mutually

exclusive.

The Rules marked a transitional point in Durkheim's intellectual develop-

ment. In the Division of Labour he had developed and applied his formulation

of the suoject-matter of sociology—the nature of social solidarity. He had dis-

cussed a range of empirical phenomena, including changes in the social sub-

structure and corresponding changes in institutions and the collective con-

science. He had developed the basis of his method: treating social facts as real

things; asking questions about the sorts of social facts that might have caused

other social facts to develop in a particular direction; and also asking what was

the social need (function) served by a social fact such as an institution; and he

had tried to develop models or types of sets of social facts that seemed to nor-

mally fit together (or vary together— concomitant variation) at certain points on

a continuum; the continuum had been constructed on the basis of a modified

evolutionary conception, using the developmental analogy of a tree, with a main

trunk and branches going off in different directions (thus modifying the unilin-

ear view of evolution).

What had not been fully developed was a conception of collective representa-

tions (ideas, concepts, values, and beliefs, etc.) as a crucial and relatively inde-

pendent set of explanatory variables. This only emerged after he had written the

Rules and as a result of acquiring more comparative data, particularly ethno-

graphic data on the potency and variety of collective representations of a reli-

THE WORK 73

gious nature in primitive societies. It also emerged as a result of his growing

appreciation of the relative autonomy of institutions once they had evolved

beyond the originating phase where they corresponded more closely to the sub-

structure. Before the mature work, in the Division of Labour and the Rules he

was still at the stage of employing a "generic" materialism, which has been

broadly defined as an explanatory framework wherein the more concrete and

"objective" elements are seen as causes of those which are more abstract and

conceptual.

In the Rules, despite his firmness in asserting correct procedures for sociolog-

ical analysis, and his polemical rejection of all explanations which ignored the

specificity of the social element in social phenomena, the work is not decisive

in identifying which explanatory variables should be given priority with regard

to specific topics. At one point he says that morphological facts "play a prepon-

derant role in collective life, and hence in sociological explanations" [1], p. 112.

But he goes on to say that in these "morphological" elements, which constitute

the internal environment of a social group (just as an anatomy of an organism

constitutes its internal milieu), should be sought "the first origins of all social

processes of any importance" [1] , p. 113. He is being more specific here in sug-

gesting that morphological (substructural) factors are preponderant in originat-

ing an institution, but it is not clear how they continue determining its present

shape and functioning. Indeed, he rejected the idea that historical study of past

events and states could provide a sufficient explanation of present conditions:

"If…all the principal causes of social events were in the past, each society

would no longer be anything but the prolongation of its predecessor, and

the different societies would lose their individuality and would become

only diverse moments of one and the same evolution" [1] , p. 120.

The clue as to how morphological factors could continue to play a determining

role is contained in his use of the biological analogy of the internal milieu of an

organism. At this stage of his intellectual development he did not go further

than to suggest that it was the particular structural arrangement of the society

that constituted the internal environment of its psychic life and activity. The

only energizing or transforming force that he mentioned to link the structure to

consciousness and activity, was that generated by increased dynamic density of

social exchanges with growth in the division of labour. This all sounds very

mechanical. He might have improved it by making a more explicit use of the

concept of the internal milieu as it had been developed by the famous French

biologist, Claude Bernard, a contemporary whose work he admired. Bernard's

physiology had united the analysis of the cellular level and the study of more

complex organic functions by distinguishing between the milieu extérieur in

which the organism is situated, and a milieu intérieur in which the tissue ele-

ments lived. The living organism did not really exist in the milieu extérieur (the

atmosphere it breathes, salt or fresh water if that was its element) but in the liq-

74 EMILE DURKHEIM

uid milieu intérieur formed by the circulating organic liquid which surrounds

and bathes all the tissue elements, i.e. lymph or plasma. It was this internal

milieu that mediated between the environment and the life of the organism.

Durkheim's later work, especially that on collective representations, education,

and socialization, suggested ways in which the social environment was internal-

ized by the individual in socialization. But even at the stage of writing the Rules

ne had begun to insist that there was no gap between material and cultural

structures.

He had broadened the sense of morphology to include underlying structures

that were a fusion of material and mental factors. Thus, the territorial structure

of a society was itself constituted by mental phenomena such as laws:

"Indeed, when we wish to know how a society is divided politically, of

what these divisions themselves are composed, and how complete is the

fusion existing between them, we shall not achieve our purposes by physi-

cal inspection and by geographical observations; for these phenomena are

social, even when they have some basis in physical nature. It is only by a

study of public law that a comprehension of this organization is possible,

for it is this law that determining the organization, as it equally deter-

mines our domestic and civil relations" [1] , p. 11.

Between the various levels of social phenomena, from the substructure to the

most fluid currents of social life, there were only differences in degree of consol-

idation or crystallization. The analogy with an organism appears to break down

in the social sphere, because it is difficult to separate out, or draw a line,

between anatomy and physiology, the fixed and the fluid. As he admits in a

footnote:

"This close connection between life and structure, organ and function,

may be easily proved in sociology because between these two extreme

terms there exists a whole series of immediately observable intermediate

stages which show the bond between them. Biology is not in the same

favourable position. But we may well believe that the inductions on this

subject made by sociology are applicable to biology and that, in organ-

isms as well as in societies, only differences in degree exist between these

two orders of facts" [1] , p. 13.

The study of genetic codes such as DNAin biology, since Durkheim's time, has

made his use of the organic analogy seem more plausible than it once did. It is

now possible to see how the fixed and the fluid, structure and process (pro-

cesses of thinking and acting in society), can be fused into one. The various lay-

ers of the social organism, like the internal milieu of a biological organism, are

governed by certain basic codes. It is in this way that the internal milieu of the

society is also internalized by the individual. Thanks to these codes, especially

THE WORK 75

symbolic codes, there is a correspondence between the organization of society

and its collective representations, and these are reflected in the consciousness of

the individual. In this way society continually reproduces itself. It is this social

reproduction, based on the integration (solidarity) of individual and society, that

constitutes the subject-matter of Durkheim's sociology. However, when writing

the Rules he had not yet carried out his detailed investigations of the correspon-

dence between substructures and symbolic codes, which formed the topic of his

later work on primitive classification and the elementary forms of religion.

In the Rules we find him struggling to synthesize two different traditions,

partly national traditions (German and British), of nineteenth-century social

thought. German Volkerpsychologie had stressed the intellectual, emotional,

and volitional unity of social groups. But along with this, Durkheim emphasized

the structural characteristics of social integration advanced by Spencer, who

used the organic analogy to describe the interrelationship of specialized parts of

a total structure. From Durkheim's fusion of these two traditions came his char-

acteristic statement that collective beliefs and norms grow around sustained pat-

terns of social interaction. Unfortunately, the fusion was not adequately theo-

rized, and Durkheim has been criticized by Gouldner, among others, for failing

to distinguish between "patterns of social interaction, or social structures, and

(cultural) patterns of moral beliefs or sentiments" [4] , p. 25.

The result is that commentators have attached quite contradictory labels to

his position, depending on which of the two traditions or notions of structure

they consider to have been dominant in his thought. In his own time, when his

reputation was beginning to be established on the basis of the Division of

Labour and the Rules, he was thought to adhere to a materialist-organicist view.

According to this view, morphology refers to the concrete structure or pattern of

groups and sub-groups, the order or arrangement of which gives the society its

characteristic physiognomy. In the preface to the second edition of the Rules

Durkheim hastened to deny that, because he had said social facts should be

regarded as things, he was therefore stating that social facts were ultimately

nothing but material things. He denied that he held to this kind of "realism". He

claimed that, far from "eliminating the mental element from sociology" he had

"expressly stated and reiterated that social life is constituted wholly of collec-

tive 'representations' " [1], p. xli. This has since led some critics to label him as

an "idealist"—one who sees society as an interdependent set of beliefs and

ideas. And it is certainly the case that his later work gave prominence to the

cultural phenomena, such as linguistic symbols, religious beliefs, and moral

norms. But despite the varying emphases that he gave to the two sets of factors

in his different works, there is no doubt that he was searching for a way of dis-

closing the principles of correspondence by which certain patterns of social

interaction and patterns of beliefs and ideas could be shown to have an affinity

for each other. The discovery of these principles would require the classification

of social types in terms of the mode of combination of their component ele-

ments. In the Rules the discussion of the method of classification is mainly

76 EMILE DURKHEIM

taken up with examples of types of social organization, from the most simple

unit, the "horde", throught the segmental type called a "clan", to more complex

combinations. In his later work he was to devote more attention to classifica-

tions of a cultural sort and their correspondence with the types of social organi-

zation, mainly in simple societies, as in the case of totemic beliefs in societies

with clan-based organization.

3.5.2 Classification of social types

The purpose in drawing up classifications of social types was to make it possi-

ble to test hypotheses about the relationships between social phenomena. The

classification of types of social organization (or species) would facilitate this

scientific endeavour because it would make it unnecessary to examine every

separate case before making a generalization. A classification based on a few

essential principles would yield a typology that the sociologist could use when

making comparisons (the nearest thing to an experimental method in

sociology), so that he or she would not have to observe every society of this

type before being able to establish a generalization:

"Once the classification is established on this principle, in order to know

whether a fact is general throughout a species it will be unnecessary to

observe all societies of this species; a few will suffice. Even one well-

made observation will be enough in many cases, just as one well-

constructed experiment often suffices for the establishment of a law" [1],

p. 80.

Sociology would then be able to work at an intermediate level between that of

the ethnographers and historians, who examined single societies, and at the

other extreme, the social philosophers and early sociologists like Comte and

Spencer, who made sweeping generalizations about mankind as though it consti-

tuted one great Society.

The principles of classification in their full range would only be discovered

when sociology had developed its explanatory powers to a sufficient degree, but

at the stage of writing the Rules, Durkheim said, enough was known to conjec-

ture that the principles should be found in modes of combination:

"We know that societies are composed of various parts in combination.

Since the nature of the aggregate depends necessarily on the nature and

number of the component elements and their mode of combination, these

characteristics are evidently what we must take as our basis; and we shall

see from what follows that it is on them that the general facts of social life

depend. Moreover, as they are of the morphological order, one could call

the part of sociology which has for its task the constitution and classifica-

tion of social types, 'social morphology' " [1] , pp. 81–82.

THE WORK 77

Durkheim criticized Spencer for not defining precisely in theoretical terms what

he meant by a simple society when he classified societies in evolutionary

stages, from simple to complex. According to Durkheim, Spencer's view

seemed to equate simplicity with crudity of organization. On this basis the most

dissimilar societies would be grouped together: "…the Homeric Greeks are

placed parallel with the holders of feudal estates in the tenth century, and below

the Bechauanas, the Zulus, and the Fijians; the Athenian confederation is paral-

lel to the feudal estates of thirteenth-century France, and below the Iroquois and

the Araucanians" [1] , p. 82. Durkheim defined "simplicity" as complete

absence of parts, meaning in the social realm a single segment with no trace of

previous segmentation, which he called a "horde". The horde was thus "the pro-

toplasm of the social realm, and consequently, the natural basis of classifica-

tion" [1] , p. 83. It was directly composed of individuals, in "atomic juxtaposi-

tion". It did not matter whether such hordes had ever existed—they were logi-

cally required in order to provide the simplest social unit in his theoretical classi-

fication of social types. More complex types could then be distinguished within

the classification, such as 'simple polysegmental societies", e.g. certain Iroquois

and Australian tribes. There were also combinations of poly-segmental soci-

eties, such as the "polysegmental societies simply compounded", e.g. the Iro-

quois Confederation;and "polysegmental societies doubly compounded", e.g.

the Roman city-state, an aggregate of tribes, which are themselves aggregates of

curiae, which in turn resolve themsevles into clans. [1], p. 84.

Durkheim suggested that this classification would become more complex as

new combinations were discovered, based on secondary characteristics. How-

ever, in the second edition of the book he added a footnote to the-chapter on

classification of social types. In this he said that he had not mentioned the

method of classification of species according to their state of civilization

because none had been proposed by "authoritative sociologists…save perhaps

the too evidently archaic one of Comte" [1] , p. 88, footnote 10. Since that time

several attempts in this direction had been made, but Durkheim said he would

not discuss them because they referred to the classification of historical phases

rather than social species. To adopt such classifications would make it possible

for a society to seem to have changed its characteristics several times:

"Since its origin, France has passed through very different forms of civi-

lization; it began by being agricultural, passed to craft industry and to

small commerce then to manufacturing, and finally to large-scale indus-

try. Now it is impossible to admit that the same collective individuality

can change its species three or four times. A species must define itself by

more constant characteristics" [1] , p. 88.

Durkheim wanted to confine the principle of classification to some tiling more

deeply embedded and durable than civilizational characteristics such as eco-

nomic and technical organization, or artistic and scientific culture:

78 EMILE DURKHEIM

"The economic state, technological state, etc., present phenomena too

unstable and complex to furnish the basis of a classification. It is even

very proable that the same industrial, scientific, and artistic civilization

can be found in societies whose hereditary constitution is very different.

Japan may in the future borrow our arts, our industry, even our political

organization; it will not cease to belong to a different social species from

France and Germany" [1] , p. 88, emphasis added.

Unfortunately, he laid himself open to the criticism that he had pressed the bio-

logical analogy too far in that, whilst individual animals cannot change their

species, because the species' characteristics are part of the animal itself, it does

not follow that an individual society cannot change its social species without

ceasing to exist as that society. In Durkheim's view, feudal France was the

same social species as the France of his own Third Republic and what changes

there had been were merely secondary matters of "civilization". For the purpose

of analysing developments in complex societies, Marx's classification in terms

of a "civilizational" aspect, mode of economic production, has proved much

more useful, whereas Durkheim's classification of societal types has been used

more extensively by social anthropologists studying simpler societies. However,

Durkheim's reference to the different hereditary constitutions of societies could

have some relevance to the study of complex societies. In part it echoes a theme

in the work of the German historians who had influenced Durkheim's early

intellectual development—the stress on societies as "cultural entities" that out-

lasted changes in civilizational aspects, such as mode of production. But

Durkheim was not referring to cultural entities like the "race" or the "national

spirit", as some conservative Germans were when they wrote about Kultur

being more fundamental than civilizational factors. The "hereditary constitu-

tion" was more likely a reference to the type of combination of structure that

had created a society. The only doubt is whether the types of combination could

be limited to a manageable number in drawing up a classification of social

species of modern societies. He did not say how Japan, Germany, and France

differed in this respect. If each country had a unique combination of structures

in its "hereditary constitution", then each society was a separate social species,

and Durkheim's claims for the scientific value of his classification would have

to be rejected. It is unlikely that he would have wished to insist that each society

was a separate social species, but he did not return to the task of developing his

classification of societal types, and so we cannot say how he would have distin-

guished complex societies in terms of secondary structural characteristics.

3.5.3 Rules of observation and explanation of social facts

Social Facts as Things

We have already come across some of Durkheim's main rules for sociologi-

cal observation, most notably in his statement that, "The first and most funda-

THE WORK 79

mental rule is: Consider social facts as things" [1] , p. 14. To which he added,

"To treat phenomena as things is to treat them as data, and these constitute the

point of departure of science" [1] , p. 27. By advocating treating them as things,

he meant we should adopt a certain attitude toward them of mature scepticism

with regard to common assumptions and preconceptions. The phenomena could

only be explained scientifically through the study of their externally observable

characteristics or indication: "They cannot be perceived or known directly, but

only through the phenomenal reality expressing them" [1] , p. 27. Even phenom-

ena which seem purely arbitrary, or the result of someone's will, on further

investigation reveal qualities of consistency or regularity which are symp-

tomatic of their objectivity. Nor can such facts be altered very easily by a mere

act of the will; they are recalcitrant and require strenuous effort if they are to be

changed. "Far from being a product of the will, they determine it from without;

they are like moulds in which our actions are inevitably shaped" [1] , p.29.

Durkheim has been criticized for these statements. One criticism is that he

seemed to think that the proof of the existence of an objective fact was that it

was resistant to change, in the same way as matter resists modification. The sec-

ond criticism is that this gave his sociology an inherently conservative bias

because it made it seem as if the natural state of social phenomena was static

and that there were no intrinsic forces making for dynamic change. However,

what he really had in mind was the difficulty of changing institutions in an arbi-

trary fashion, without regard for the causal network in which they were embed-

ded. He was particularly opposed to humanist doctrines which taught that

human nature had a specific and circumscribed character, which was expressed

in institutions. Human nature and ideas about it were extremely variable, and

they varied according to the social situation, said Durkheim. Humanist doctrines

could give rise to both conservative and revolutionary excesses, because they

were not based on sociological structuralist analysis. This was to be Durkheim's

conclusion after surveying the history of educational ideologies in different

periods:

"To sum up, human nature as it manifests itself in history is above all

something which we can and should credit with amazing flexibility and

fecundity. We need not fear that this conviction will cause men's minds to

swing abruptly from neophobia, which is one kind of evil, to what is a

different but no lesser evil, namely revolutionary excess. What history

teaches us is that man does not change arbitrarily; he does not transform

himself at will on hearing the voices of inspired prophets. The reason is

that all change, in colliding with the inherited institutions of the past, is

inevitably hard and laborious; consequently it only takes place in response

to the demands of necessity. For change to be brought about it is not

enough that it should be seen as desirable; it must be the product of

changes within the whole network of diverse causal relationships which

determine the situation of man" [3] , pp. 329–30.

80 EMILE DURKHEIM

Ideological Analysis

In The Evolution of Educational Thought [3] Durkheim was concerned with

showing the relationship between systems of ideas (educational doctrines) and

the specific social needs of the time, especially the functions they served for

particular classes or strata. This constituted a sociological analysis of ideology

(something which a number of critics, usually Marxists, have claimed not to be

able to find in Durkhiem's works). However, he also wrote in the Rules using

the term "ideology" to refer to the much broader topic of the preconceptions

and ideas that people have about things. What he criticized as "ideological anal-

ysis" was the tendency to substitute for the study of things, the study of popular

preconceptions and ideas about those things, thus mistaking the idea for the

thing itself. Scientific sociology must go behind people's preconceptions and,

using external indicators as clues, disclose the underlying structured reality.

Thus, the first negative rule of sociological methodology was that, "All precon-

ceptions must be eradicated" [1], p. 31. But this negative rule only "teaches the

sociologist to escape the realm of lay ideas and to turn his attention toward

facts, but it does not tell him how to take hold of the facts in order to study them

objectively" [1] , p. 34.

Definition of Concepts

A second rule was necessary: "The subject matter of every sociological study

should comprise a group of phenomena defined in advance by certain external

characteristics, and all phenomena so defined should be included within this

group." [1] , p. 35. His favourite example was crime:

"For example, we note the existence of certain acts, all presenting the

external characteristic that they evoke from society the particular reaction

called punishment. We constitute them as a separate group, to which we

give a common label; we call every punished act a crime, and crime thus

defined becomes the object of a special science, criminology" [1] , p. 35–6.

New concepts often had to be formulated appropriate to the requirements of

science, but lay concepts were not entirely useless to the scholar: "they serve as

suggestions and guides. They inform us of the existence, somewhere, of an

aggregation of phenomena which, bearing the same name, must in consequence

probably have certain characteristics in common." [1], p. 37. Failure to define

the object of study, Durkheim suggested, was perhaps the most common error

in sociology: "Precisely because sociology treats everyday things, such as the

family, property, crime, etc., the sociologist most often thinks it unnecessary to

define them rigorously at the outset." [1] , p. 37.

Normal and Abnormal

The next rule presented by Durkheim was for distinguishing between the

THE WORK 81

normal arid the abnormal: "A social fact is normal, in relation to a given social

type at a given phase of its development, when it is present in the average soci-

ety of that species at the corresponding phase of its evolution." [1], p. 64. He

hoped that by establishing which phenomena normally appeared together, and

their normal rates of frequency or strength, it would be possible to give factual

grounds for judging something to be deviant, or pathological. For example,

instead of judging all crime to be deviant or pathological, which might simply

be a judgement based on personal bias, the sociologist would be aware that

crime was present in all societies as a normal phenomenon (possibly serving

some positive functions). Sociological comparative analysis would show that it

was the types and rates of crime that varied, some of which were normal for a

particular type of society and others abnormal.

According to Durkheim, classification of social facts as normal or abnormal

in relation to social types and species is part of the lead-in to the main task of

sociology, which is that of explanation.

Summary of Rules of Explanation

The main rules for the explanation of social facts can be summarized as fol-

lows [1]:

)"When, then, the explanation of a social phenomenon is undertaken, we

must seek separately the efficient cause which produces it and the function

it fulfils." p. 95.

)"The determining cause of a social fact should be sought among the social

facts preceding it and not among the states of the individual consciousness."

p. 110.

)"The function of a social fact ought always to be sought in its relation to

some social end." p. 111.

)"The first origins of all social processes of any importance should be sought

in the internal constitution of the social group." p. 113.

Causal Explanation

In Durkheim's view, causal analysis was essential to sociology if it was to be

a science. Because of the complexity of sociological data it might not always be

possible to establish a simple cause and effect relation, but the sociologist could

unravel an intricate causational situation. Unfortunately, Durkheim sometimes

gave his causal theories a mechanistic tone, so as to strengthen his case for the

scientific status of sociology. An example of this is to be found in the way in

which he argued his case in the Division of Labour, which scandalized the exam-

iners when it was submitted for a doctoral degree. However, the explanation

was not as mechanical as Durkheim made it sound. At first reading it might

seem as if the division of labour was directly caused by an increase in popula-

tion density; but, as we have seen, the causal links were more complex, and

82 EMILE DURKHEIM

included an increase in moral or dynamic density (social interaction). This

moral density could also be broken down into a set of social factors—number

and frequency of social contracts, number of qualitatively different types of

social relations, and the degree of intimacy of the social relationships.

Causal explanation did not stop with establishing that factors varied together

and therefore might be causally related. The causal connection had to be made

intelligible, which entailed asking why an increase in social interaction necessi-

tated a growth in the division of labour. The intermediary links had to be

spelled out in terms of the ideational factors—the values held in society, which

made it likely that people would respond to the increased struggle for existence

by engaging in greater specialization of functions (division of labour) rather

than by emigrating, commiting suicide, resorting to civil war or crime.

Durkheim also added to these causal factors another set of factors that he

referred to as necessary conditions, permissive factors, or secondary factors.

They were factors that made a development possible but did not directly cause

it. In the example of the division of labour they included the greater indepen-

dence of individuals relative to the group, and also the existence of conducive

organico-psychical bases of individual behaviour. The first type of factor

accounted for the space or slack in the relation of the individual to the group,

which allowed for individual variation to occur. The second factor made the

variations biologically and psychologically possible.

Functionalism

Durkheim's methodological rules specified that causal explanation should be

supplemented by functional explanation. While the social usefulness of a phe-

nomenon did not explain how it had come into being, because it was often

impossible to verify the kind of explanation that said something had come into

being because it was deliberately willed with a view to satisfying certain ends,

social utility could make intelligible some of the intervening links that might

explain why the phenomenon persists. He used the organic analogy to make

intelligible the correspondence between the functions of the instution of Gov-

ernment (the State) and certain needs of modern industrial society, likening it to

the brain's functions in relation to the needs of the body. The advantage of the

word "function" was that it did not necessarily imply that the correspondence

was intentional or deliberate.

Despite his constant references to the functions of social phenomena,

Durkheim was well aware of the limitations of the organic analogy. Conse-

quently, he did not develop an elaborate functional model of society, as did

some sociologists who were influenced by evolutionary biological theory. He

was too aware of the sui generis character of the social. One reason for using

the concept of function was that it could be used polemically to combat the con-

temporary tendency to psychological reductionism and the explanation of social

institutions in terms of individuals' intentions, as in the Utilitarian assumption

THE WORK 83

that institutions were the product of the individual's search for increased happi-

ness. Durkheim's conception of functionalism was highly flexible. He used it to

refer to the latent (unintended) functions of institutions, which escaped human

notice or intention. He also recognized that institutions could serve multiple

functions and that there were functional alternatives; the same institution could

serve different functions, and these functions could vary from society to society.

With the development of the division of labour the tie between a given function

and a given structure could become looser and more flexible—the function

becoming increasingly independent of the structure.

Comparative-Historical Approach

In order to disclose these various causal and functional relationships sociol-

ogy needed to adopt a comparative-historical approach. Because sociology

could not carry out experiments it had to rely on the method of indirect experi-

ment—the comparison of similar cases. If two or more phenomena appeared to

vary together—concomitant variation or correlation—then it was likely that a

causal relationship existed. This would have to be checked against the data, as it

was quite possible for two phenomena to vary together because of the action of

a third factor:

"For example, we can establish in the most certain way that the tendency

to suicide varies directly with education. But it is impossible to under-

stand how erudition can lead to suicide; such an explanation is in contra-

diction to the laws of psychology… Thus we come to ask if both facts are

not the consequence of an identical condition. This common cause is the

weakening of religious traditionalism, which reinforces both the need for

knowledge and the tendency toward suicide" [1] , p. 132.

However, comparison must be systematic—it would not do simply to illustrate

the hypothesis with a few scattered cases of co-variation. "It is necessary to

compare not isolated variations but a series of systematically arranged varia-

tions of wide range, in which the individual items tie up with one another in as

continuous a gradation as possible." [1] , p. 135–6. The way in which the series

was formed would depend on whether the comparisons were within a society (e.

g. between different groups or areas), between societies of the same social type,

or between different types of societies. It was possible to establish concomitant

variation within a society with regard to a particular social current, e.g. a suici-

dogenic current, but when it was an institutions's function that was in question,

then it would be necessary to compare different societies or the same society at

different times. The most complex social phenomena—social institutions—

could only be explained after the most extensive historical and cross-cultural

comparisions had been carried out: "Consequently, one cannot explain a social

fact of any complexity except by following its complete development through

84 EMILE DURKHEIM

all social species." [1] , p. 139. For Durkheim, the comparative-historical

approach was the core of sociological methodology. All his researches, and

most of those carried out by his colleagues on the Année team, were set in a his-

torical framework. It is ironical that the structural-functionalism with which his

name came to be associated, after the Second World War, was almost com-

pletely ahistorical and incapable of dealing with social change.

3.5.4 Conclusions

The manifesto-like character of the Rules renders it unsuitable as a basis for

evaluating his actual methods of sociological analysis. These methods are best

appreciated in the context of his substantive studies, where their flexibility and

variety are evident. This is not to say that he completely ignored his own rules,

which were sufficiently general and basic to allow the widest scope in practice.

He did treat social facts as real things, and search for causes in other social

facts; there are many references to the social functions of phenomena, and con-

structed classifications of social types, within a comparative-historical (so me

times "evolutionary") framework. However, there are many differences in his

approaches to specific topics. This should be evident from our review of his

main works and the discussion of relevant criticisms in each case. It should also

become clear that some of the more sweeping criticisms of his methods are not

fully justified; such as the suggestion that his functionalist approach was

inevitably conservative and could not explain social change deriving from con-

flicts inherent in the system. He chose to approach the question of conflict from

the direction of viewing social wholes as systems "of .forces limiting and con-

taining each other and making an equilibrium." [5] , p. 233. But the conception

was a dynamic one of constantly changing balances between opposed forces.

Realities only existed to the extent that they embodied a force, and forces did

not exist in a vacuum but were typically opposed by other forces. The central

dynamic was provided by the opposition between the non-social (unsocialized)

component of the individual and the integrating forces of society. Contempo-

rary capitalist society was marked by disequilibrium because the socially inte-

grating forces could not match the egoistic forces; economic conflicts were a

manifestation of this failure.

The language and analogies used by Durkheim in the Rules now appear

somewhat dated and inadequate to express formulations of scientific methodol-

ogy and epistemology. In particular, the biological-organicist analogy had many

limitations, both by reason of the intrinsic difference between biological and

social phenomena (of which Durkheim was aware), and because of the deficien-

cies of biological science in his day. However, Durkheim did try to incorporate

some of the best ideas of contemporary biology in his methodology, and it is

not the case that he ignored the work of the leading French biologist, Qaude

Bernard (contrary to the suggestion in Hirst [6] ). He referred with approval to

Bernard's views on scientific methodology, (cf. Traugott, [7] , pp. 111 and 209,

THE WORK 85

Parsons [8 , 9] ). While it may be true that Durkheim did not succeed completely,

in his attempt to transcend the limitations of existing alternative epistemologics,

most critics admit that it was a significant and brave attempt. Like those of

Marx and Freud, Durkheim's explanations of behaviour were a scandal in the

eyes of many because they contradicted common assumptions, and located

causes in deeper structures below the surface level of those phenomena about

which we are consciously aware. As Durkheim himself put it in likening his

approach to that of Marx:

"We think it a fertile idea that social life must be explained, not by the

conception of it created by those who participate in it, but by profound

causes which escape awareness…" (quoted in Traugott, [7], p.l27.

REFERENCES

[1] Emile Durkheim, The Rules of Sociological Method, trs. S.A. Solovay and J.

H.Mueller, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1938.

[2] Harry Alpert, "Emile Durkheim: A Perspective and Appreciation", in Amer-

ican Sociological Review, 24, 4, 1959, p. 462–5.

[3] Emile Durkheim, The Evolution of Educational Thought, trs. Peter Collins,

London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1977.

[4] Alvin W.Gouldner, Introduction to Emile Durkheim, Socialism, trs. Char-

lotte Sattler, New York, Collier Books paperback edn. pp. 7–31.

[5] Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, trs. J.W.

Swain, New York, Free Press paperback edn., 1965.

[6] Paul Q.Hirst, Durkheim, Bernard and Epistemology, London, Routledge

and Kegan Paul, 1975.

[7] Mark Traugott (ed.), Emile Durkheim on Institutional Analysis, Chicago,

University of Chicago Press, 1978.

[8] Talcott Parsons, "Durkheim on Religion Revisited", in Charles, Y. Glock

and Phillip E.Hammond (eds.), Beyond the Classics? Essays in the Scien-

tific Study of Religion, New York, Harper and Row, 1973, pp. 156–180.

[9] Talcott Parsons, "Comment on 'Parsons' Interpretation of Durkheim' and

on 'Moral Freedom Through Understanding in Durkheim", in American

Sociological Review, 40, 1, 1975, pp. 106–111.

3.6 SUICIDE

3.6.1 Character and content of the argument

If the Rules was a revolutionary manifesto for establishing scientific sociologi-

cal explanation, it was given its most forceful demonstration in the famous

86 EMILE DURKHEIM

work that followed—Suicide, pointedly sub-titled, A Study in Sociology. In it he

made it quite clear that he was prepared to flout commonsense and excite the

kind of incredulity that he believed always greeted science whenever it revealed

hidden causes, in this case social forces that were as real as physical forces:

"Collective tendencies have an existence of their own; they are forces as

real as cosmic forces, though of another sort; they, likewise, affect the

individual from without, though through other channels. The proof that

the reality of collective tendencies is no less than that of cosmic forces is

that this reality is demonstrated in the same way, by the uniformity of

effects… So truly are they things sui generis and not mere verbal entities

that they may be measured, their relative sizes compared, as is done with

the intensity of electric currents or luminous foci. Thus, the basic proposi-

tion that social facts are objective, a proposition we have had the opportu-

nity to prove in another work [the Rules ] and which we consider the fun-

damental principle of the sociological method, finds a new and especially

conclusive proof in moral statistics and above all in the statistic of sui-

cide. Of course it offends common sense. But science has encountered

incredulity whenever it has revealed to men the existence of a force that

has been overlooked" [1] , p. 309–310.

He wanted to demonstrate and establish sociology's scientific status by provid-

ing a sociological explanation of that seemingly most individual of acts—

suicide. In order to do this he had to define suicide as a social fact that would

require explanation in terms of other social facts (social structures and forces as

conceptualized in his multi-layered model). The social fact to be explained was

not the individual act of suicide, which might be better accounted for by a case

study method where, in favourable instances, there might be enough evidence to

make inferences about the victim's mental state—motives and intentions. It was

suicide rates, as disclosed by statistics, that constituted the social fact to be

explained as an effect of an imbalance of social structural forces. Consequently,

he proceeded to define suicide with the least possible reference to mental ele-

ments, excluding any reference to intentions but allowing for the need to distin-

guish between accidental death and suicide: "the term suicide is applied to all

cases of death resulting directly or indirectly from a positive or negative act of

the victim himself, which he knows will produce this result." [1] , p. 44.

Comparative statistics for countries and categories of people within each

country showed that suicide rates were relatively constant; therefore, it must be

a social fact that a collective tendency towards suicide existed. These collective

tendencies could be related to sets of causes to produce a classification of types

of suicide. The sets of causes were theoretically postulated on the basis of

Durkheim's conception of possible imbalances between centrifugal forces (too

much individualism) and centripetal forces (too much social pressure).

Two pairs of imbalances of forces are defined; one pair refers to the degree of

THE WORK 87

integration or interaction in a group (egoism and altruism), the other pair refers

to the degree of moral regulation (anomie and fatalism). The two continua of

integration and regulation, and the four types of suicide, can be illustrated in

Fig. 3.2 and summary:

The first type of suicide, at the low extreme of the integration continuum,

was egoistic suicide. Here rates of interaction in egoistic groups were low, and

so values, beliefs, traditions, and sentiments were not held in common by all

members. The result was that they weakened each other whenever they came

into conflict. The collective life was diminished and individual interests were

asserted. The individual lost the beneficial effects of group membership, such as

support and revitalization, and consequently found little meaning in group life.

Thus suicide rates were higher for Protestants than Catholics, both in compar-

isons between predominantly Protestant countries and Catholic countries, and

between Protestants and Catholics in the same society. It was not the case that

one religion's beliefs condemned suicide and the other did not, as suicide was

severely condemned by both Protestantism and Catholicism. The difference was

that Protestanism encouraged individual free inquiry and, unlike Catholicism, it

did not offer priestly and sacramental supports. Where a Protestant church did

offer more of those supports, as in the Church of England, which had kept some

of the Catholic emphasis on priesthood and sacraments (and had more clergy-

man per head of population than Protestant countries) the suicide rate was mid-

way between that of the Catholic and Protestant countries.

A further example of egoistic suicide was the higher rate to be found among

adults who were unmarried compared with married people of the same age. And

the larger the family, the lower was the chance of suicide occurring. Finally ego-

istic suicide varied inversely with the degree of political integration, the rate fell

in wars and political crises.

Fig. 3.2

88 EMILE DURKHEIM

Altruistic suicide was the result of too much integration. The individual

absorbed and controlled by the group had an under-developed and so under-

valued sense of individuality. Such a person could not resist the pressure to sac-

rifice the self for the group's interests, even if it me ant committing suicide.

Durkheim pointed out the similarity of the modern army and primitive society

in this respect; in both there was a lack of individuality and a strong pressure

towards self-sacrifice. Examples of suicides in primitive societies included sui-

cides of the old or very ill, suicides of women on their husbands' death, and

suicides of followers or servants on the death of their chiefs. The much higher

rate of military suicides compared with civilians in modern suicide was

explained by Durkheim in terms of military morality being a survival of primi-

tive morality, predisposing the soldier to kill himself "at the least disappoint-

ment, for the most futile reasons, for a refusal of leave, a reprimand, an unjust

punishment, a delay in promotion, a question of honour, a flush of momentary

jealousy, or even simply because other suicides have occurred before his eyes

or to his knowledge" [1] p. 239.

The next type of suicide, at the low extreme of the regulation continuum, was

anomic suicide. Anomie was the consequence of social change resulting in a

diminution of social regulation. He discussed two forms of economic anomie

—"acute" and "chronic", and then "chronic domestic" anomie. They were all

cases of an imbalance between means and needs—states of disequilibrium,

where means were inadequate to fulfil needs. Durkheim did not believe that

needs were given in man's biological, psychological, or individual nature.

Indeed, that was one of his main criticisms of the economic, psychological, and

utilitarian theories of his time, because they ignored the socially-derived and

variable nature of human needs. Passions, desires, appetites, ends, and goals

could all become needs, and if such wants were not restrained they would bring

unhappiness. The individual's wants were boundless unless a limit was set on

them by an external moral authority.

Acute economic anomie occurred in booms and slumps. In both circum-

stances old rules relating means to ends were inapplicable, and individuals were

freed from social restraint, creating disequilibrium, unhappiness, and leading to

an increase in suicides. Chronic economic anomie was a product of a longer

term diminution of social regulation of the relation between means and ends.

For over a century there had been an erosion of the influence of agencies that

had exercised moral restraint over economic relations, particularly religious and

occupational groups, and instead of being regarded as a means, industry had

become an end in itself. Not surprisingly, suicide rates were higher in manufac-

turing and commercial occupations than they were in agriculture, because the

latter still had traditions and customs that exercised constraint. (Not that

Durkheim wanted to revert to older forms of organization, although he believed

new occupational associations should be formed that would have some of the

same functions as the old guilds.) Constant economic striving after limitless

THE WORK 89

goals could not bring happiness, as was shown by the fact that the higher socio-

economic strata had higher rates of suicide than the poor.

Acute domestic anomie was exemplified by widowhood, which represented a

crisis for the surviving husband or wife, who would not be adapted to the new

situation and so offered less resistance to suicide.

Chronic domestic anomie was discussed by Durkheim in terms of the way in

which marital regulation affects the means-needs balance in men and women.

He defined marriage as: "A regulation of sexual relations, including not merely

the physical instincts which this intercourse involves but the feelings of every

sort gradually engrafted by civilization on the foundation of physical desire"

[1], p. 270. Civilization had produced a multiplicity of triggers of man's pas-

sions, and only marriage could channel those needs within attainable bounds;

bachelors, however, experience limitless horizons, which lead to unrestrained

passions that create a disjunction between means and ends, and a state of

chronic anomie. Consequently, bachelors had a higher suicide rate than married

men. Ease of divorce had a similar effect on married men, producing higher

suicide rates. Women, who had long been more restricted within the domestic

sphere, had not had their sexual aspirations raised to the same level, and so they

required less regulation. Marriage served to over-regulate them, particularly if it

was difficult to secure a divorce (they had a lower rate of suicide in societies

where divorce was easier than in those where it was difficult). As distinct from

family life with children, marriage itself offered no protection against suicidal

pressures so far as women were concerned. The interests of the two sexes were

in conflict:

"Speaking generally, we now have the cause of that antagonism of the

sexes which prevents marriage favouring them equally: their interests are

contrary; one needs restraint and the other liberty…. Women can suffer

more from marriage if it is unfavourable to her than she can benefit by it

if it conforms to her interest. This is because she has less need of it" [1],

p. 274–275.

Fatalistic suicide was at the high extreme of the regulation continuum. He only

discussed this condition of excessive regulation once, and that was restricted to

an eight-sentence footnote. Examples were the situation of childless married

women (presumably where divorce was difficult), young husbands, and slaves.

He described it as the suicide of "persons with futures pitilessly blocked…or all

suicides attributable to excessive physical or moral despotism." For some rea-

son, not specified, he decided that "it has so little contemporary importance, and

examples are so hard to find aside from the cases just mentioned, that it seems

useless to dwell upon it" [1] , p. 276, footnote 25.

Although Durkheim used the categories of egoism, altruism, and anomie (not

so much fatalism) to distinguish suicidogenic currents, and collective tenden-

cies, he admitted that in practice it was very difficult to separate the currents of

90 EMILE DURKHEIM

egoism and anomie as they flowed from a single source—the loss of mechanical

solidarity and the failure to develop a genuine organic solidarity. A moderate

amount of egoism and anomie was necessary for progress. A certain amount of

individualism was necessary for the growth of the division of labour; it was

excessive egoistic tendencies that produced a pathological level of egoistic sui-

cides. Similarly, with anomie, "among peoples where progress is and should be

rapid, rules restraining individuals must be sufficiently pliable and malleable; if

they preserved all the rigidity they possess in primitive societies, evolution thus

impeded could not take place promptly enough" [1] , p.364.

The language of forces and currents in states of disequilibrium was symp-

tomatic of Durkheim's effort to demonstrate that a sociological explanation of

suicide could reveal hidden causes—in this case social forces that were as real

as physical forces. Although his references to suicidogenic currents sound like

an over-drawn analogy with electrical currents, in fact they refer to phenomena

specified in his multi-layered model. Such theoretically conceptualized phenom-

ena were quite different from those given to us by common sense and direct

observation: "If we had really only to open our eyes and take a good look to

perceive at once the laws of the social world, sociology would be useless or, at

least very simple" [1], p. 311. He answered the objection that "since there is

nothing in society except individuals, how could there be anything external to

them?", by outlining the various levels of social phenomena that exerted a

determining force over the individual and that alone could account for the com-

mon cause that produced stable rates of suicide. The layers of social phenomena

included material facts (architecture, communication and transportation chan-

nels, technology, language, etc.). "Social life, which is thus crystallized, as it

were, and fixed on material supports, is by just so much externalized, and acts

upon us from without" [1] , p. 314. The same characteristics were shared by

dogmas of faith and legal precepts, especially if they assumed a material form

by being written down. And then there was the layer of more fluid and less crys-

tallized or less firmly structured currents of opinion, sentiment, and feeling,

which articulated with the other layers of phenomena in various ways, and

which constituted the social psychological processes that gave rise to suicido-

genic currents. Some currents were feeble or cancelled each other out. It was

the sum of the tendencies that had to be taken into consideration, not the indi-

vidual tendencies:

"No moral idea exists which does not combine in proportions varying

with the society involved, egoism, altruism, and a certain anomie. For

social life assumes both that the individual has a certain personality, that

he is ready to surrender it if the community requires, and finally, that he is

to a certain degree sensitive to ideas of progress. This is why there is no

people among whom these three currents of opinion do not co-exist, bend-

ing men's inclinations in three different and even opposing directions.

Where they offset one another, the moral agent is in a state of equilibrium

THE WORK 91

which shelters him against any thought of suicide. But let one of them

exceed a certain strength to the detriment of the others, and as it becomes

individualized, it also becomes suicidogenic, for the reasons assigned"

[1], p. 321.

The strength of these currents depended on three sorts of causes:

"(1) the nature of the individuals composing the society; (2) the manner of

their association, that is, the nature of the social organization; (3) the tran-

sitory occurrences which disturb the functioning of the collective life

without changing its anatomical constitution, such as national crises, eco-

nomic crises, etc." (ibid).

The first factor, individual characteristics, did not affect suicide rates much

because individual differences tended to cancel each other out. It was only

when certain characteristics became general that they affected suicide rates, and

this sort of predisposing characteristic was usually a product of the second factor

—the type of social organization and its associated culture. The fact that suicide

rates had trebled, quadrupled, and even quintupled in some countries, in less

than fifty years, meant that: "Our social organization, then, must have changed

profoundly in the course of this century, to have been able to cause such a

growth in the suicide rate" [1] , pp. 378–9.

Old forms of organization which had integrated individuals and regulated

means-end relationships had declined and disintegrated (e.g. family, Church,

occupational guilds, etc.). No adequate functional substitutes had been devel-

oped, and so there were pathological states of social disequilibrium, of which

suicide rates were a symptom.

The final chapter of the book, titled "Practical Consequences", discussed

those institutional developments and some possible remedies. Contrary to many

popular misconceptions about Durkheim's political diagnoses, which tend to

suggest that he was essentially conservative because he recommended moral

renewal and neglected the need for structural change, this chapter made it plain

that this was not the case. The Third Republic made education its central instru-

ment of social change, and Durkheim was dedicated to that project, but he

rejected the idea that education could cure the ills of society unless there were

deeper structural reforms, particularly in the economic sphere. He discussed the

argument in favour of education as a cure for suicide and other social ills, and

concluded:

"But this is to ascribe to education a power it lacks. It is only the image

and reflection of society. It imitates and reproduces the latter in abbrevi-

ated form; it does not create it. Education is healthy when people them-

selves are in a healthy state; but it becomes corrupt with them, being

unable to modify itself…. The strongest wills cannot elicit non-existent

92 EMILE DURKHEIM

forces from nothingness, and the shocks of experience constantly dissi-

pate these facile illusions. Besides, even though through some incompre-

hensible miracle a pedagogical system were constituted in opposition to

the social system, this very antagonism would rob it of all effect …. Edu-

cation, therefore, can be reformed only if society itself is reformed. To do

that, the evil from which it suffers must be attacked at its source" [1],

p. 372–3.

"Is the evil then incurable?" Durkheim asked. His answer was that it need not

be so, as his sociological analysis had disclosed the underlying causes of the

disease. What was required on the constructive side was a new form of social

organization in the economic sphere, which was the main source of the crisis. It

could take the form of occupational guilds, which would manage their sector of

the economy, fixing prices and wages, providing for the social welfare of their

members and their families, fixing contracts and standards, and acting "in the

name of the common interest to prevent the strong from unduly exploiting the

weak" [1], p. 380. In addition to this positive reform, structural sources of

inequality and exploitation would have to be removed, as he made clear in his

discussion of the forced division of labour and in later writings on the state and

politics (especially Professional Ethics and Civic Morals).

Like Marx in his analysis of the causes of alienation, deriving from the mode

of the division of labour, Durkheim believed that his scientific analysis of sui-

cide had uncovered the structural forces that caused anomie and egoism, and

these too were pathological features of the course taken by the division of

labour. Unlike Marx, partly because they were writing in different historical

periods in the development of capitalism, and also because they had different

views about human nature, Durkheim criticized the amoral characteristics of the

existing social organization, which affected all social classes. Their higher sui-

cide rates showed that the rich were also victims of these structural pressures,

just as the poor suffered in other respects. None of these consequences were

intended or willed, they were unintended consequences of human actions; that

was why it was essential for scientific sociology to disclose the underlying struc-

tural forces that produced these effects.

3.6.2 Criticisms and developments of Durkheim's argument

There are many criticisms of Durkheim's findings regarding specific variables

affecting suicide rates, which is not surprising as his work inspired considerable

sociological research on the subject. However, despite the many specific criti-

cisms of his work, it has been highly praised by mathematical sociologists for

its imaginative use of the available statistics, and more generally for its brilliant

linking of theory and empirical data. The more serious criticisms concern his

conceptualization and argument, such as his argument by elimination of alterna-

tive explanations, his attempt to exclude subjective elements from his definition

THE WORK 93

of suicide and its causes, and the fuzziness of the distinction between egoistic

and anomic suicide (cf. Pope, [2]).

In retrospect, there can be no doubt that his effort to establish the scientific

status of sociological explanation led him into excesses in argument, especially

in his claim that by showing the insufflciences of explanations of suicide that

referred to non-social factors (race, climate, insanity, the psychological process

of imitation, etc.) he thereby established the sole validity of his own explana-

tion. It would have been sufficient for him to rest his case on the proven need to

also include social factors as part of any comprehensive explanation of suicide

and suicide rates. Today, a sociologist would have no difficulty in accepting

that some of these different explanations can be complementary, particularly

psychological explanations which can help to determine why certain individuals

commit suicide whereas others do not, although they may be in similar social

circumstances. Many sociologists would also wish to include references to sub-

jective factors, such as values and motivation, in their definitions and explana-

tions of suicide. Indeed, it is now recognized that official statistics of suicide are

based on judgements by officials, such as coroners, concerning the intent of the

victim. Although Durkheim ruled out the use of intent and motive in developing

a definition of suicide, the conventional definition employed by court officials

was "the intentional taking of one's own life".

Therefore, the very statistics Durkheim was using were based on conjectures

about subjective factors. Furthermore, critics have pointed out, there were prob-

ably systematic biases in the recording of deaths as suicide, and these could

vary between countries and with regard to different groups—the rich and influ-

ential probably having more capacity to secure less embarrassing verdicts. Dou-

glas [3] cited figures suggesting that the number of recorded suicides in various

European countries increased when secular officials replaced religious func-

tionaries as those responsible for recording cause of death. Other sociologists

who have done research on coroners' decisions on suicides find that coroners

operate with a "commonsense theory" of suicide—if the information on a dead

person fits into the particular theory, then the death is more likely to be catego-

rized as suicide. Unlike Durkheim's "realist" approach, which takes statistics to

correspond to a social fact—a real rate of suicide, these more "phenomenologi-

cal" approaches to the study of suicide focus on the meanings and assumptions

of those who define acts as suicide, such as coroners. Not surprisingly, sociolo-

gists who adopt this approach are critical of Durkheim; others, who continue to

use official statistics in their sociological comparisons of suicide rates, are more

likely to be critical of Durkheim on the details of his analysis, whilst admiring

his pioneering example.

In fact, Durkheim was not unaware of the effects of subjective judgements by

officials responsible for classifying deaths as suicides. He discussed this prob-

lem when giving reasons for developing his own theoretically-derived classifica-

tion of types of suicide in preference to the classification used in some coun-

tries, where officials made guesses about the motives of victims, such as family

94 EMILE DURKHEIM

trouble, physical or other pain, remorse, drunkenness, etc. He maintained that

"what are called statistics of the motives of suicide are actually statistics of the

opinions concerning such motives of officials, often of lower officials in charge

of the information service" [1] , p. 148. Thus it was a matter of degree of reliabil-

ity or unreliability of specific statistics that had to be judged by the sociologist.

His analysis showed that in the case of these official classifications of types of

suicide based on the attribution of motives, the unreliability was easy to estab-

lish because the proportions allocated to each category seldom varied even

when there was a considerable increase in the total number of suicides, and

there was no variation between sexes or occupations. Durkheim was also aware

of the possibility of the reh'ability of statistics varying from one country to

another due to social biases that could affect decisions as to whether a death

was classified as suicide or an accident. When comparing the lower rate of Eng-

land with another Protestant country, Germany, in order to make the point about

the more integrating effect of the Church of England compared with other

Protestant churches, he noted:

"To be sure, the statistics of English suicides are not very exact. Because

of the penalties attached to suicide, many cases are reported as accidental

death. However, this inexactitude is not enough to explain the extent of

the difference between this country and Germany" [1] , p. 160, footnote 6.

Considering that Durkheim did not have at his disposal the computers and statis-

tical tests of reliability that are available to contemporary sociologists, his mar-

shalling and manipulation of data are still worthy of our admiration. And we

have seen that he was not unaware of the limitation of the data he was using. He

would not have been surprised to hear that further work has led to modifications

in his findings about specific correlations between various social factors and

suicide rates.

The more important criticisms of Durkheim's study of suicide are those

directed at questioning its theoretical adequacy. The core of his theory was con-

cerned with analysing types of social solidarity. In the Division of Labour he

had made a broad contrast between two types of solidarity—one based on

resemblance (lack of wide differences between the functions and mentalities of

members of a society), which he called "mechanical solidarity"; the other,

"organic solidarity" based on interdependence or complementarity (with greater

differences between specialized roles and members bound together by a sense

of mutual dependence). In Suicide, Durkheim recognized the pathological

effects of the over-rapid and forced nature of the growth of division of labour,

and the consequent failure to develop a true mutualism. This manifested itself in

two forms: people were not integrated into group relations of interdependence

(egoism), and/or appropriate norms had failed to emerge to promote and regu-

late group relations (anomie). The important step forward in Suicide was that

Durkheim attempted to show the consequences of these pathological states for

THE WORK 95

the individual, and also sketched out the social psychological processes by

which imbalances in social forces led to egoistic or anomie suicides. In the case

of egoistic suicide, lack of integration gave rise to meaninglessness and so to

states of apathy, melancholy, and depression. In anomie suicide, insufficient

regulation had left individual passions and wants unchecked, leading to irrita-

tion, disgust, anger, disappointment, or recrimination. Unfortunately, although

he maintained that one of his chief contributions in Suicide would be to distin-

guish between types of suicide, whereas most previous explanations had been

inadequate because they assumed that all suicides were the same (e.g. insane

acts, sinful acts, etc.), and that he would make the distinction in terms of differ-

ent sets of causal factors, the distinction remains unclear.

He had established his case that suicide varies inversely with the degree of

integration of a society so far as the examples of both egoistic and anomie sui-

cides were concerned, but he had not provided the same statistical demonstra-

tion that egoistical suicides were not caused by the same factors as anomie sui-

cides, and vice versa. He did not control regulation factors when testing the

effect of variations in integration factors, and vice versa. For example, in assess-

ing the relationship between integration and suicide by comparing Protestants

and Catholics, if normative regulation is the other likely causal factor then it

would have to be held constant (i.e. compare only Protestants and Catholics at

the same level of regulation) in order to establish the independent effect of inte-

gration. In practice, Durkheim frequently implied that integration and regulation

were the same thing, referring to their "peculiar affinity" (p. 288), suggesting

that egoism and anomie were "usually merely two different aspects of one

social state" (ibid), with an "identical cause" (p. 382). And he offered one solu-

tion for both—new occupational guilds or corporations. This was all consistent

with his basic theory as it unfolded, which was that a normal level of social inte-

gration depended on the achievement of a state of equilibrium between the

social forces generated by the various layers of social phenomena as they exer-

cised constraint (regulation) over individual behaviour. This thesis had been

demonstrated with great cogency in Suicide, even if the subsidiary thesis about

the distinction between egoistic and anomic suicide had not been substantiated.

3.6.3 Anomie and Deviance

The American sociologist, Robert K.Merton, was responsible for giving a new

impetus to the sociological application of Durkheim's concept of anomie, par-

ticularly with regard to the explanation of deviant behaviour other than suicide

[4]. He elaborated one possible line of development of Durkheim's conceptual-

ization of anomie as disequilibrium in the relations between means and ends

(Merton calls these "goals") due to inadequate normative regulation. Merton

was mainly concerned with American society, where he detected a universal

cultural goal of material success, an unequal distribution of the acceptable

means to reach such a goal, and consequent adoption of alternative, illegitimate

96 EMILE DURKHEIM

solutions. His interest was in the structural causes of non-conformist (deviant)

behaviour. He analysed this in terms of individual adaptation, using the follow-

ing typology:

Although Merton's elaboration and application of the concept of anomie was

extremely influential, especially in American sociology's studies of deviance, it

changed the emphasis that the concept had in Durkheim's own work. It also lost

the critical nature of the concept as Durkheim had intended it, and gave the

impression that he was only concerned with problems of nonconformity. Mer-

ton did not simply extend Durkheim's concept, but transformed it. Whereas

Durkheim had examined normlessness as a condition of imbalance due to the

absence of agreed social value (i.e. social goals), for Merton the emphasis was

on normlessness in respect to means. Merton saw crime and deviance as the

consequences of strains produced by differentiated access to the means to attain

commonly held goals. Strain and anomie were induced by strongly defined

goals and weakly defined means of attaining these goals. But for Durkheim,

anomie was not produced by the combination of strong culture and weak

means, but by the weakness of culture due to inadequacies in the social struc-

ture (e.g. forced division of labour, lack of morally legitimate forms of eco-

nomic association). Anomie was weak culture that failed to define the goals of

human endeavour, leaving only insatiable greed, and the meaninglessness that

led to despair and suicide, rather than crime and deviance.

REFERENCES

[1] Emile Durkheim, Suicide, trs. J.A.Spaulding and G.Simpson, Glencoe, Illi-

nois, Free Press, 1951.

THE WORK 97

[2] Whitney Pope, Durkheim's Suicide: A Classic Analyzed, Chicago, Univer-

sity of Chicago Press, 1976.

[3] J.D.Douglas, The Social Meanings of Suicide, Princeton, Princeton Univer-

sity Press, 1967.

[4] Robert K.Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, Glencoe, Illionois,

Free Press, 1957, new enlarged edition 1968.

3.7 RELIGION AND KNOWLEDGE—THE ELEMENTARY

FORMS OF THE RELIGIOUS LIFE

3.7.1 Character and content of the argument

The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life [1] was the last of Durkheim's

major works published in his lifetime. Its differed from Suicide in that, whereas

the latter work had made extensive comparisons using statistics, the Elementary

Forms adopted the method of in-depth examination of one good case in order to

develop a thesis. The case chosen was that of totemic religion in a clan-based

society, the Australian aborigines. The reason for this was that these represented

the most elementary forms of religion and social organization, in Durkheim's

view. If an explanation could be found for the relations between the most sacred

elements of social life and the most mundane aspects, and if principles of struc-

tural correspondence could be discerned linking the two sets of phenomena,

then sociologists would have the key to understanding the originating principles

of phenomena in our own more complex societies. The phenomena that would

be explained would be "ideological" in various senses of that term. One impor-

tant sense was that of "misrecognition" of itself by society, in that members

were given an idealized view of society, which had its origins in elevated and

awe-inspiring experiences of great periodic gatherings of a religious or socio-

political nature. Among the typical products of such ideological idealization and

sanctification were the authority attributed to political leaders, and the sense of

"oneness" and belonging (as in nationalism and patriotism). From his discus-

sion of primitive religion Durkheim aimed to show the social origins of all cate-

gories of thought—cognitive, evaluative, and the emotionally expressive. It can

be seen that the Elementary Forms was the most ambitious of all Durkheim's

works.

Religious institutions—beliefs and practices—could not be dismissively

explained as a complete fantasy, corresponding to nothing in reality. Sociolo-

gists, in particular, could not hold such a point of view:

"In fact, it is an essential postulate of sociology that a human institution

cannot rest upon an error and a lie, without which it could not exist….

When only the letter of the formulae is considered, these religious beliefs

and practices undoubtedly seem disconcerting at times, and one is

98 EMILE DURKHEIM

tempted to attribute them to some sort of deep-rooted error. But one must

know how to go underneath the symbol to the reality which it represents

and which gives it its meaning. The most barbarous and the most fantastic

rites and the strangest myths translate some human need, some aspect of

life, either individual or social. The reasons with which the faithful justify

them may be, and generally are, erroneous; but the true reasons do not

cease to exist, and it is the duty of science to discover them. In reality,

then, there are no religions which are false. All are true in their own fash-

ion; all answer, though in different ways, to the given conditions of

human existence" [1] , pp. 14–15.

The next point was that, in order to understand an existing ideology, whether it

related to religion, politics, economics, or any other institution, it was necessary

to trace its historical development, which had produced the present layers and

combinations of elements. It should not be thought that there will be a direct

correspondence between ideology and existing social structure;ideology is a

historical product:

"In the first place, we cannot arrive at an understanding of the most recent

religions except by following the manner in which they have been pro-

gressively composed in history. In fact, historical analysis is the only

means of explanation which it is possible to apply to them. It alone

enables us to resolve an institution into its constituent elements, for it

shows them to us as they are born in time, one after another. On the other

hand, by placing every one of them in the condition where it was born, it

puts into our hands the only means we have of determining the causes

which gave rise to it. Every time we undertake to explain something

human, taken at a given moment in history—be it a religious belief, a

moral precept, a legal principle, an aesthetic style, or an economic system

—it is necessary to commence by going back to its most primitive and

simple form, to try to account for the characteristics by which it was

marked at that time, and then to show how it developed and became com-

plicated little by little, and how it became that which it is at the moment in

question" [1] , p. 15.

Durkheim posited certain basic characteristics and functions of religion, even

though the forms of religion might vary in specific cases:

"At the foundation of all systems of beliefs and of all cults there ought

necessarily to be a certain number of fundamental representations or con-

ceptions and of ritual attitudes which, in spite of the diversity of forms

which they have taken, have the same objective significance and fulfil the

same functions every where" [1] , p. 17.

THE WORK 99

It made methodological sense to try to discern these in simpler forms of religion

to start with, because in complex religions it would be difficult to distinguish

secondary from principal elements. The great religions of Egypt, India, and clas-

sical antiquity were "a confused mass of many cults, varying according to the

locality, the temples, the generations, the dynasties, the invasions, etc. Popular

superstitions are there confused with the purest dogma" (ibid.).

In simpler societies the fundamental elements and relations were closer to

their original form, and so there was less to strip off in the way of accretions

and fewer transformations to trace back. For this reason, "Primitive civilizations

offer privileged cases, then, because they are simple cases" [1] , p. 18. And fur-

thermore, "primitive religions do not merely aid us in disengaging the con-

stituent elements of religion; they also have the great advantage that they facili-

tate the explanation of it. Since the facts there are simpler, the relations between

them are more apparent" [1] , p. 19.

In a sense he was taking up the old question of the origins of religion, which

had engaged theologians and philosophers for hundred of years, but he was

recasting it in a new form and with a different methodology:

"To be sure, if by origin we are to understand the very first beginning, the

question has nothing scientific about it, and should be resolutely dis-

carded. There was no given moment when religion began to exist, and

there is consequently no need of finding a means of transporting ourselves

thither in thought, like every human institution, religion did not com-

mence anywhere. Therefore, all speculations of this sort are justly discred-

ited; they can only consist in subjective and arbitrary constructions which

are subject to no sort of control. But the problem which we raise is quite

another one. What we want to do is to find a means of discerning the ever-

present causes upon which the most essential forms of religious thought

and practice depend" [1] , p. 20.

Durkheim's confidence in the explanatory powers of sociology, and in its abil-

ity to secure new data through ethnography, had grown considerably since his

early days at Bordeaux. From the 1890s onwards ethnographers' published find-

ings on simpler societies, such as those in Australia and the Indians of North

America, reached impressive proportions. Durkheim and his colleagues on

L'Année sociologique had applied their sociological methodology to the analy-

sis of those materials and built up a reputation for expertise in such matters.

Consequently, although Durkheim focused on religion, it was viewed by him as

part of a larger project. His intention was to demonstrate that sociology could

provide an answer to questions that previously had been asked by philosophers

—questions about the bases of knowledge itself. If it could be shown that reli-

gious cosmologies were the most primitive ways of ordering man's view of his

world, and that those cosmologies, which were socially-derived, gave rise to the

categories that structured other types of knowledge, then the sociology of

100 EMILE DURKHEIM

knowledge would be firmly established. His Introduction to the Elementary

Forms made it clear that this was the larger case he wished to argue:

"But our study is not of interest merely for the science of religion. In fact,

every religion has one side by which it overlaps the circle of properly reli-

gious ideas, and there, the study of religious phenomena gives a means of

renewing the problems which, up to the present, have only been discussed

among philosophers. For a long time it has been known that the first sys-

tems of representations with which men have pictured to themselves the

world and themselves were of religious origin. There is no religion that is

not a cosmology at the same time that it is a speculation upon divine

things. If philosophy and the sciences were born of religion, it is because

religion began by taking the place of the sciences and philosophy…. Men

owe to it not only a good part of the substance of their knowledge, but

also the form in which this knowledge has been elaborated. At the roots of

all our judgements there are a certain number of essential ideas which

dominate all our intellectual life; they are what philosophers since Aristo-

tle have called the categories of the understanding: ideas of time, space,

class, number, cause, substance, personality, etc. They correspond to the

most universal properties of things…. They are like the framework of the

intelligence. Now when primitive religious beliefs are systematically ana-

lyzed, the principal categories are naturally found. They are born in reli-

gion and of religion; they are a product of religious thought" [1] , pp. 21–2.

He summarized the thesis of the book in the following paragraph of the

Introduction:

"The general conclusion of the book which the reader has before him is

that religion is something eminently social. Religious representations are

collective representations which express collective realities; the rites are a

manner of acting which take rise in the midst of the assembled groups and

which are destined to excite, maintain, or recreate certain mental states in

these groups. So if the categories are of religious origin, they ought to

participate in this nature common to all religious facts; they should be

social affairs and the product of collective thought. At least—for in the

actual condition of our knowledge of these matters, one should be careful

to avoid all radical and exclusive statements—it is allowable to suppose

that they are rich in social elements" [1] , p. 22.

He adopted his usual procedure in arguing this thesis. Firstly, he examined and

eliminated existing alternative theories and definitions. Once again he attacked

psychological theories and those based on supposed mental qualities and pro-

cesses in the individual. He was especially critical of what he regarded as the

most common form of such explanations, which said that religion was belief in

THE WORK 101

the supernatural, and that people believed in the supernatural in order to explain

things which surpassed the limits of their knowledge and understanding.

This common assumption about religion was born out of modern man's sense

of superiority with regard to his predecessors; he could not understand how ear-

lier people had believed such things, unless it was simply a matter of ignorance

and inability to find rational explanations for things they experienced. But, said

Durkheim, primitive man had no such experience of having to resort to postulat-

ing a supernatural realm in order to explain puzzling or awe-inspiring phenom-

ena in nature. There is no evidence that they found such things in the least puz-

zling, nor did the awareness that there was a "natural order of things" distinct

from a supernatural order arise until modern science made us aware of it. With

a certain touch of irony, he added that this should not be too difficult for us to

understand, because even now many of our contemporaries retain a primitive

conception of social facts, believing "that a legislator can create an institution

out of nothing by a mere injunction of its will, or transform one social system

into another", just as religious people believed God created the world out of

nothing. The principle of determinism and the scientific method had only

recently been adopted in the study of society, and many people had still not

accepted the need for such a science. If our contemporaries still retained an

"antiquated conception for sociological affairs, it is not because the life of

societies appears obscure and mysterious to them; on the contrary, if they

are so easily contented with these explanations, and if they are so obsti-

nate in their illusions which experience constantly belies, it is because

social events seem to them the clearest thing in the world; it is because

they have not yet realized their real obscurity; it is because they have not

yet recognized the necessity of resorting to the laborious methods of the

natural sciences to gradually scatter the darkness. The same state of mind

is to be found at the root of many religious beliefs which surprise us by

their pseudo-simplicity. It is science and not religion which has taught

men that things are complex and difficult to understand" [1] , pp. 41–2.

The definition and explanation of religious phenomena was not to be sought in

their content, such as a supernatural element, but in the characteristic attitude of

people toward certain phenomena which set them apart from other phenomena.

The contents of religious beliefs, and the choice of some things and not others

to be regarded with religious veneration, were infinitely varied. Some religions,

according to Durkheim, did not contain references to a supernatural agency; he

mentioned Buddhism as an example. (He recognized that certain versions of

Buddhism did contain such references, and also that Buddhists did not deny the

existence of divinities, but simply were not concerned about whether they

existed.) Furthermore, even in religions which did contain theistic beliefs, there

were many religious rites which had no discernible connection with those theis-

tic beliefs. In the Bible,

102 EMILE DURKHEIM

"it is forbidden to hitch an ass and a horse together, or to wear a garment

in which the hemp is mixed with flax, but it is impossible to see the part

which belief in Jahveh can have played in these interdictions, for he is

wholly absent from all the relations thus forbidden, and could not be inter-

ested in them" (Ibid, p. 49).

Thus, it cannot be said that the focal point of all religious phenomena is God or

the supernatural:

"there are rites without gods, and even rites from which gods are

derived…. Religion is more than the idea of gods or spirits, and conse-

quently cannot be defined exclusively in relation to these latter" [1] , p. 50.

Durkheim divided religious phenomena into two fundamental categories:

beliefs and rites. "The first are states of opinion, and consist in representations;

the second are determined modes of action" [1] , p. 51. Rites could be defined

and distinguished from other practices, such as moral practices, by the special

nature of their object. That special nature of the object was expressed in beliefs,

and all religious beliefs had a common characteristic:

"All known religious beliefs, whether simple or complex, present one

common characteristic: they presuppose a classification of all the things,

real and ideal, of which men think, into two classes or opposed groups,

generally designated by two distinct terms which are translated well

enough by the words profane and sacred. This division of the world into

two domains, the one containing all that is sacred, the other all that is pro-

fane, is the distinctive trait of religious thought; the beliefs, myths, dog-

mas, and legends are either representations or systems of representations

which express the nature of sacred things, the virtues and powers which

are attributed to them, or their relations with each other and with profane

things" [1], p. 52.

The fallacy of animistic and naturalistic theories of religion, which were so pop-

ular among early anthroplogists and sociologists, such as Tylor and Spencer,

was that they located the origin of religious sentiments in psychological phe-

nomena (such as dreams) or in natural wonders (such as storms). Durkheim

thought this put the cart before the horse. The idea that dreams could be inter-

preted and that natural objects could express the divinity, was socially learned;

it was as much the effect of religion as the cause of it. It was a naive psycholo-

gism, as propounded by Spencer, that explained human belief in the soul as hav-

ing originated in dream and trance experiences during which an individual

seemed to be in two places at once. It supposed religion to be an illusion with

no real foundation in social life. The belief in the soul, like all religious beliefs,

corresponded to something real: it was a symbolic representation of the relation

THE WORK 103

between the individual and society. The soul was that part of society within the

individual; it was the moral authority of society that was the objective referent

behind the idea of the soul. "Although our moral conscience is a part of our con-

sciousness, we do not feel ourselves on an equality with it" [1] , p. 298.

The moral ascendancy of society over the individual was the source of the

sacred attitude, by which certain things were regarded as symbols of a morally

superior, and so sacred, force.

However, it was not simply a matter of hierarchy, with the inferior dependent

on the superior, that distinguished the sacred from the profane. There were

many hierachical relationships in society that were not sacred. And many things

that were sacred did excite great respect, e.g. an amulet. Even the relationship

with gods was often one of reciprocity and mutual dependence; some religions

believed the god would die if denied offerings and sacrifices. It was the absolute

distinction between the sacred and the profane, their logical opposition, that

provided the criterion of religious beliefs.

"The sacred thing is par excellence that which the profane should not

touch, and cannot touch with impunity. To be sure, this interdiction can-

not go so far as to make all communication between the two worlds

impossible; for if the profane could in no way enter into relations with the

sacred, this latter could be good for nothing"[1] , p. 55.

This notion of a system of classification based on fundamental opposition

between two classes, which nevertheless need each other, was the core idea in

the various versions of structuralism developed by sociologists and anthropolo-

gists inspired by Durkheim, such as Claude Lévi-Strauss and Mary Douglas, [2,

3]. Durkheim's definition of religion was not complete with his description of it

as a system of relations based on the opposition of the sacred and the profane.

Magic, too, was made up of beliefs and rites, some of which resembled religion.

But magic was not the same as religion; it was more likely to be used for purely

technical and utilitarian ends (e.g. it sought to manipulate supernatural forces to

produce rain, rather than praying to God to grant rain), and, more importantly, it

did not bind its adherents into a moral community. "The magician has a clien-

tele and not a Church" [1] , p. 60. Because of the source of the sacred—the

moral superiority of the social—religion was contained in a moral community,

which Durkheim called a Church. Thus he arrived at his definition of religion:

"A religion is a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred

things, that is to say, things set apart and forbidden—beliefs and practices

which unite into one single moral community called a Church, all those

who adhere to them" [1] , p. 62.

The case chosen to demonstrate his thesis of the correspondence between reli-

104 EMILE DURKHEIM

gion and society was that of totemic religion in a clan-based society; specifi-

cally, the Australian aborigines, supplemented by ethnographic data on certain

American Indian societies with a similar structure and totemic religion. In view

of the later prominence given to the study of myths using a structuralist method,

as in the work of Lévi-Strauss, it must be pointed out that Durkheim considered

myths too complex a phenomenon to be studied at this stage, and he proposed

to concentrate on the most elementary notions at the basis of the religion—those

concerning the cultic rites. Among the most basic concepts of totemism was the

identity it established for the clan. Clans were composed of members who con-

sidered themselves united by a bond of kinship; but it was not based on blood.

The relationship rested on a shared name, and the name was that of the species

of material things (the totem) with which the clan believed it had relations of

kinship.

The species were usually animals and plants, such as the kangaroo or the

crow, and in no sense awe-inspiring or remarkable. Nor could it be said that

people worshipped their totem species as though it were a god; rather they

regarded it as a brother or sister—they shared kinship with the kangaroo or

whichever was their totem. The totem was not a mere name, but contained the

distinctive characteristics of the clan. The sacred character of the totem was

shared by images of it as inscribed on material artifacts and on the person; the

sacred attributes were also shared by the clan members themselves. The same

essence, or vital principle, was therefore shared by the totem, images of the

totem, and members of the clan. The totem was at once both the symbol of the

vital principle (referred to as mana in some simple societies) and of the society,

because god and society were the same things:

"The god of the clan, the totemic principle, can therefore be nothing else

than the clan itself, personified and represented to the imagination under

the visible form of the animal or vegetable which serves as its totem" [1],

p. 236.

Durkheim posed the question of how this apotheosis had been possible, and

how did it happen to take place in this fashion? The answer lay in the feelings

of dependency created by the totem and society:

"In a general way, it is unquestionable that a society has all that is neces-

sary to arouse the sensation of the divine in minds, merely by the power

that it has over them; for to its members it is what a god is to his worship-

pers. In fact, a god is, first of all, a being whom men think of as superior

to themselves, and upon whom they feel that they depend…. Now society

also gives us the sensation of a perpetual dependence…at every instant

we are obliged to submit ourselves to rules of conduct and of thought

which we have neither made nor desired, and which are sometimes even

contrary to our most fundamental inclinations and instincts" [1] , pp. 236–7.

THE WORK 105

The function of totemism was to bind clan members, who were frequently dis-

persed in small hordes, in a symbolical unity and in subervience to the collectiv-

ity, which exerted a moral authority. It also served to provide the basis of a sys-

tem of universal classification for the members (a cosmology), which catego-

rized all other phenomena and entities with which they came into contact,

including their relations with other clans, especially in the exchange of marriage

partners. Thus the thesis on totemism provides the key to explaining the funda-

mental process of symbolization, the bases of social authority, and the princi-

ples regulating relations between social units engaged in exchanges.

It explains symbolization as the way in which a material object can serve to

express the clansmen's feelings of dependence on each other and their moral

identiy; it allows them to think the complex reality of their social groups in sim-

plified form:

"Now the totem is the flag of the clan. It is therefore natural that the

impressions aroused by the clan in individual minds—impressions of

dependence and of increased vitality—should fix themselves to the idea

of the totem rather than of the clan: for the clan is too complex a reality to

be represented clearly in all its complex unity by such rudimentary intelli-

gence. More than that, the primitive does not even see that these impres-

sions come to him from the group" [1] , p.252.

The symbolization arises, fixes itself in the minds and emotions, and is revital-

ized, at periodic ceremonial and ritual gatherings of exceptional social intensity.

The life of the aborigines alternates between two modes: periods of dispersal,

when they are engaged in mundane economic activities of "very mediocre inten-

sity"; and the religious gatherings, or a corroboree (when the women and the

uninitiated can take part), when there are activities of an exceptional—even

deviant—nature, and heightened intensity. An interesting feature of the latter

gatherings was that they were dangerously exciting, when the people almost

literally "played with fire". Normal rules were broken and feverish activity

indulged in that could not be sustained in normal times; it was as though the

customary order was smelted in the fire after having been temporarily dissolved:

"They are so far removed from their ordinary conditions of life, and they

are so thoroughly conscious of it, that they feel that they must set them-

selves outside of and above thier ordinary morals. The sexes unite contrar-

ily to the rules governing sexual relations. Men exchange wives with each

other. Sometimes even incestuous unions, which in normal times are

thought abominable and are severely punished, are now contracted openly

and with impunity" [1] , p.247.

The effect of such gatherings was to impress on the members their sense of par-

ticipation in a larger unity, and their dependence on a superior moral force that

106 EMILE DURKHEIM

saved them from chaos and disorder. Their feeling of being part of a distinctive

and sacred unity was stengthened by negative and positive rites; the former

were rituals of avoidance and taboo, and the latter were rituals of communion

with the divine essence. Negative rites aimed at limiting contact between the

sacred and the profane, and prepared the initiate for entry into the sacred

domain. The transition from one realm to the other was marked by abstinence,

physical ordeals, and the donning of special clothes and ornaments. Positive

rites in Australian totemism included ceremonies to ensure the prosperity of the

animal or plant that served as the totem, and a concluding ceremony in which

the totem was ritually eaten and songs were sung praising the past exploits of

human and non-human past members of the clan. The practice of sacrifice in

more developed religions was based on the same idea of communion with the

divine through eating the flesh (e.g. the Body of Christ symbolized by bread in

the Christian Communion Service) and the offering of it to the divinity. A third

form of rites were those associated with mourning—"piacular" rites; these were

a mixture of negative and positive rites. They included abstaining from certain

things, such as economic activity, and observing positive rites like wailing and

wearing special clothing. These were not merely an expression of grief, but also

a way of drawing the group together when its solidarity was threatened by the

loss of a member.

It should be remembered that Durkheim was not analysing these processes in

primitive society simply for the sale of understanding those societies and their

religion, but in order to get to the roots of social processes and institutions in

modern society. The dynamic density of morphological factors that he wrote

about in the Division of Labour and used as an explanatory factor for social

change and new forms of social solidarity, was now supplemented by dynamic

density of a social psychological type. The heightened sense of solidarity and

dependence created by the effervescence of great collective gatherings, was to

be found occurring in revolutionary or creative epochs, such as the French Revo-

lution [1] , pp. 240–1, and in periodic gatherings:

"That is why all parties political, economic or confessional, are careful to

have periodical reunions where their members may revivify their common

faith by manifesting it in common" [1] , p. 240.

It explains why the most unremarkable people could become remarkable leaders

or tyrants: "Under the influence of the general exaltation, we see the most

mediocre and inoffensive bourgeois become either a hero or a butcher" [1] , p.

242. And it showed how a civil religion could be created in which society was

indeed deified:

"This aptitude of society for setting itself up as a god or for creating gods

was never more apparent than during the first years of the French Revolu-

tion. At this time, in fact, under the influence of the general enthusiasm,

THE WORK 107

things purely laical by nature were transformed by public opinion into

sacred things: these were the Fatherland, Liberty, Reason. A religion

tended to become established which had its dogmas, symbols, altars and

feasts" [1] , pp. 244–5.

This idea of a civil religion has been used by modern sociologists, such as

Robert Bellah, to explain the beliefs and ceremonies that unite Americans in

devotion to their country and its supposed mission (as celebrated on great civic

occasions such as Presidential Inaugurations, and at Thankgiving). (cf. Bellah,

[4]). It has also been a fertile idea in the sociological explanation of charismatic

movements (an idea also developed by Durkheim's great German contempo-

rary, Max Weber, although neither made reference to the other), and with

regard to the roots of nationalism.

The most insightful idea in Durkheim's repertory, as marshalled and applied

in the thesis of the Elementary Forms, was that of the power of symbolization.

The symbols, or collective representations, created a reality, which commanded

and received obedience; and the sacred-social force could bestow the full power

of itself to elicit respect on the most ordinary things, and its force remained as

strong however much it was subdivided:

"Out of the commonest object, they can make a powerful sacred being.

Yet the powers which are thus conferred, though purely ideal, act as

though they were real; they determine the conduct of men with the same

degree of necessity as physical forces…. Surely the soldier who falls

while defending his flag does not believe that he sacrifices himself for a

bit of cloth. This is all because social thought, owing to the imperative

authority that is in it, has an efficacy that individual thought could never

have; by the power which it has over our minds, it can make us see things

in whatever light it pleases; it adds to reality or deducts from it according

to the circumstances. Thus there is one division of nature where the for-

mula of idealism is applicable almost to the letter: this is the social king-

dom. Here more than anywhere else, the idea is the reality" [1] , p. 260.

He added that this did not mean we could free ourselves completely from physi-

cal necessities; even in order to express our ideas we needed to fix them upon

material things which symbolize them. But this was a long way from the kind of

position attributed to material things in determining culture, in doctrines such as

those he associated with the name of Marx, or in philosophies which believed

ideas were simply a reflection of bodily states and sensations. According to

Durkheim, "the world of representations in which social life passes is superim-

posed upon its material substratum, far from arising from it" [1] , p. 307.

This brings us to Durkheim's sociology of knowledge and his attempt to

locate the origins of basic categories of knowledge in social experience. He did

not deny that material circumstances and the individual's experiences of them

108 EMILE DURKHEIM

had a part to play in the formation of knowledge and categories of knowledge.

But he claimed that distinctions given to the senses, such as black in contrast

with white, night as distinct from day, etc., simply provided the raw material for

categorization, along with objects such as the different species that served as

totems, or which were classified in separate groups associated with each totem.

It was concepts and categories representing society and its sub-divisions that

provided the most clear-cut logical oppositions and dichotomies (ultimately the

contrasts of sacred and profane, pure and impure), and these exercised a predom-

inant moulding influence on mental life. Whereas the individual's experience of

things was in a constant state of flux, poncepts were more fixed, because they

came from society, and society, through its culture, outlived individuals. The

concept of category itself was not given in the individual mind, as the philoso-

pher Kant had taught, for the individual reacts to a constant flow of experience;

it is only society which provides the demarcations that create such categories as

those of time, space, class, and cause, and these were derived from the society's

own life:

"They not only come from society, but the things which they express are

of a social nature. Not only is it society which had founded them, but their

contents are the different aspects of the social being; the category of class

was at first indistinct from the concept of the human group; it is the

rhythm of social life which is at the basis of the category of time; the terri-

tory occupied by the society furnished the material for the category of

space; it was the collective force which was the prototype of the concept

of efficient force, an essential element in the category of causality" [1] ,

p.488.

The example which Durkheim gave of the origins of spatial divisions was that

of the Australian societies where space was conceived as a giant circle, reflect-

ing the shape of the encampment; and the abstract divisions of space mirrored

the division of the community circle into clan territories. Similarly, time was

categorized on the basis of the periodic ceremonial gatherings (much as our

modern calendar is based on the seasons and feast days of the Christian year).

The idea of truth, as an impersonal standard, set above individual experiences

and preferences, derives from the impersonal character of society itself. It is an

idea of fundamental importance for the development of science, and science

owes it to religion, which gradually evolved in the direction of the universal and

away from the parochial and concrete.

What did Durkheim see as the future of religion? Having shown the pre-

eminence of religion in developing the categories that formed the basis of

thought in all fields, from politics to science, he concluded:

"Thus there is something eternal in religion which is destined to survive

all the particular symbols in which religious thought has successively

THE WORK 109

enveloped itself. There can be no society which does not feel the need of

upholding and reaffirming at regular intervals the collective sentiments

and the collective ideas which make its unity and its personality" [1],

pp.474–475.

Society would continue to need a functional equivalent of the cultic side of reli-

gion, even if the ceremonies and rituals were overtly political rather than reli-

gious. Also, there would need to be a functional equivalent of religion to pro-

duce the ideals that would unite social groups on a moral basis: the ideals of

moral individualism were likely to figure prominently in this, emphasizing

respect for the individual. But the cognitive side of religion would increasingly

be taken over by science, which employed systematically empirical and critical

methods that were absent in religious cosmologies.

Some contemporary sociologists of religion have developed this

Durkheimian hypothesis of a trend towards individualism. Peter Berger and

Thomas Luckmann have suggested that religious individualism has become the

most common form of religion in modern industrialized societies. They main-

tain that beliefs and sentiments relative to sacred things no longer necessarily

unite individuals into a single community or congregation, no matter how simi-

lar their systems of beliefs may be. Berger has likened the modern religious

scene to the economic market-place, in which individuals shop around for what-

ever brand suits their present need, and consequently they feel no particular

commitment to other people holding similar beliefs, nor to any organization

which claims to incorporate such beliefs. Frequently the very content of the

beliefs is individualistic, directed toward enhancing the individual's sense of

well-being and self-love. Similarly, not only may the cultural and organizational

components of religion be functionally differentiated, but so also may the com-

munity and congregational components. Among the Arunta discussed by Durke-

him there was but one organization, namely the total society, which provided

both religious identity (community) and the setting in which religious ends were

sought (congregation). But in modern society, as another American sociologist

of religion, Will Herberg, pointed out, a religious community, such as the Jews,

Catholics, or Protestants, does not necessarily imply actual affiliation with a

particular church, (cf. Berger & Luckmann [5] , Berger [6] , Herberg [7].)

3.7.2 Summary and criticism

Like Suicide, the Elementary Forms has been enormously influential within its

field of study. It is not possible to summarize all the various specific criticisms

that have been made, particularly those emanating from anthropologists and

ethnographers who have collected data that contradict Durkheim's findings. Nor

will we repeat the criticisms that have been mentioned already concerning

Durkheim's style of argument, such as his tendency to seek to establish his own

argument's validity by eliminating alternatives, and his argument by petitio

110 EMILE DURKHEIM

principti, whereby he assumed that which was supposed to be proved by the

subsequent argument. An example of the latter is to be found in his very defini-

tion of religion as uniting its adherents into a single moral community, which

presupposed one of the central theses of the work; also, his hypothesis that col-

lective effervescences generate religious beliefs and rites, pre-supposed those

beliefs and rites, since the effervescences were expressions of them (this argu-

ment would have been better left as an explanation of the way in which a reli-

gion was reproduced, rather than of its origination). Durkheim was not above

stooping to the device of smuggling in confirmatory evidence for his thesis

from another society when he could not find it in the case he was discussing; he

tended to do this when supplementing his Australian material with data drawn

from the American Indian societies. A particularly damaging piece of evidence

against the general validity of his thesis is that there does not seem to be a polar-

ity between the sacred and profane in all religions, even though his definition of

religion postulated such an opposition. The Judaeo-Christian tradition makes

such a distinction, but the religions of some societies studied by anthropologists

have no such strict opposition, and the two are often found intermingling in

everyday life. The British anthropologist, Evans-Pritchard, observed that sacred

things may be profane only at some times, as in the case of the Azande, who,

when their shrines were not in ritual use, used them as convenient props to rest

their spears against [8] , p. 65.

Another basic assumption in the thesis has been questioned, and that was his

claim that the simplest form of society would have the simplest form of reli-

gion, and hence the equation between the clan and the totem. Anthropologists

like Evans-Pritchard were able to point out that there were people with a much

simpler social organization than the Australians, who did not have totems,

although they had religions, and that there were clans with no totems, and peo-

ple with totems and no clans. This makes all the more questionable Durkheim's

evolutionist view that totemism was the elementary form of religion, accompa-

nying the most elementary form of social organization, and that complex soci-

eties and their religions were a development from those basic principles. In

sum: Durkheim's claims for his thesis were too general and over-ambitious.

However, the methods he employed in developing the sociological analysis

of religion have continued to inspire sociologists and scholars in other disci-

plines. The Elementary Forms was his most mature and sophisticated deploy-

ment of theoretical strategies for studying the components of his multi-layered

model of social phenomena. The model itself constituted a basically structural-

ist model of social phenomena. Within that structuralist framework he then

employed three types of explanation: causal, interpretative, and functionalist.

The causal explanations focused on the impact of phenomena at the lower and

upper levels of his model (respectively, effervescent currents and morphological

factors) in crystallizing phenomena on the middle level (the dogmas and rites of

institutionalized religion). The effervescent currents produced by the excep-

tional intensity of social interaction at the periodic gatherings was one causal

THE WORK 111

factor discussed. The other was the causal connection between the morphologi-

cal features of social structure and the content of religious beliefs and ritual prac-

tices, including the religious origination of classificatory systems.

In his interpretative analyses he sought to relate the various levels of phenom-

ena in terms of a structural correspondence that can be described as "metaphoric

parallelism". For example, the religious doctrines about the relations between

the individual and the totem (or god) were metaphorical representations of paral-

lel relations between the individual and society. Thus the three basic relation-

ships between god and the individual in religious beliefs symbolized parallel

relationships between society and the individual: god was transcendent over the

individual; god was immanent in the individual; god occupied a status funda-

mentally different from that of the individull.

The functional hypotheses concerned the part played by beliefs and rites

within the total religious and social system. These social functions were per-

formed by religion in its capacity as a system of communication of ideas and

sentiments (cognitive and expressive functions) and as a means of specifying

and regulating social relationships, (cf. Lukes [9] , pp. 470–2). Symbolism

served the function of making society conscious of itself, recreating social sen-

timents, and classifying and regulating statuses and duties. Because the individ-

ual could not live without society—indeed, could not be human without society

—these functions were beneficial in integrating the individual into society.

There is little if any mention of negative effects or dysfunctions of religion in

Durkheim's sociology. To some sociologists that is the most serious criticism

they would wish to make against this study, and against his sociology in gen-

eral. More recently, however, it has begun to be seen that the Elementary Forms

can be read as an account of the origins of social hierarchy and the maintenance

of power in that hierarchy, particularly through the reproduction of an ideologi-

cal consciousness of itself for society. That consciousness entails a view of

power that is a mystification and a misrecognition of the real social conditions

of its functioning—it bestows moral authority on leaders, and gives the impres-

sion that their superiority descends on them from above rather than depending

on the opinions of those below them, and it exaggerates the distance separating

them from their fellows, (cf. Lacroix [10]).

3.7.3 Developments and applications of Durkheim's ideas

Rather than conclude our discussion of Durkheim's sociology of religion with a

selection of criticisms, it might do greater justice to the fertility of the ideas con-

tained in the Elementary Forms if we mention a few of the many works those

ideas inspired. Two sets of ideas have been particularly fertile: they are his

metaphoric parallelism—the notion that religious beliefs symbolize or model

social forces, structures and relationships that condition and compel the action

of people in society; and his account of the functions of ritual and shared beliefs

in reproducing social solidarity. One of the most radical applications of

112 EMILE DURKHEIM

Durkheim's metaphoric parallelism was carried out by Guy Swanson, who, in a

controversial monograph, The Birth of the Gods [11] , adduced the hypothesis

that belief in a high god or monotheistic deity only tends to occur in those soci-

eties containing three or more different types of hierarchically ordered

sovereign groups. In Swanson's view, the presence of three or more types of

soverign groups in a society (i.e. a relatively complex hierarchy of political enti-

ties), with one group dominating the others, provides the social conditions that a

high god symbolizes or represents. It is a hypothesis that has been much criti-

cized, but it generated further studies along these essentially Durkheimian lines.

We have already mentioned the work of Bellah on civil religion [4].

Although he shows that there is less unanimity as to the location of the "sacred"

in modern society, in contrast to the societies discussed by Durkheim, he also

makes a good case for finding it embodied in the nation, where nationalist ideol-

ogy portrays its purposes and goals as sacred and transcendent. Under

Durkheimian inspiration, sociologists have identified a range of ritualistic mech-

anisms employed in the renewal of common political sentiments: national con-

stitutions have been described as totemic documents legitimating political

power; and other ritualistic mechanisms analysed include Presidential inaugura-

tions in the United States, national holidays, along with political purges, trials,

and witch-hunts. The neo-Durkheimian studies of the ideological functions of

purges, trials and witch-hunts, refute the criticism that Durkheim's ideas cannot

take account of conflict and conflict-management, which was the unfortunate

impression left by effective criticisms of earlier neo-Durkheimian studies, such

as the study by Shils and Young [19] of the coronation of Elizabeth II, where it

was suggested that the society required rituals to sustain an existing core of

common values. (See the criticism by Birnbaum [20] , and also the somewhat

different critique by Abercrombie et al [21] of the whole idea that capitalist

society needs a dominant ideology).

The sociologist and historian Kai T.Erikson has also applied these

Durkheimian ideas in a study of the witch-hunts in seventeenth century Salem,

Massachusetts [12] . Using the notion of a boundary crisis, Erikson shed further

light on the function of public rituals for rejuvenating collective representations

(including representations that preserve ideological unity) and revitalizing col-

lective sentiments. Erikson's work was an ingenious combination of

Durkheim's ideas on the function of crime, in reaffirming the solidarity of the

community, and his sociology of religion. Durkheim had maintained that crime

represented acts that violated the collective conscience and elicited the wrath of

society. The punishment dealt out as an expression of communal wrath resulted

in the reafilrmation of the moral order. Erikson argued that a society need not

wait for someone to cross the boundary of its normative order before experienc-

ing the desired backlash of ritualistic frenzy. The effect could be achieved by

society moving its moral boundaries, thus creating or manufacturing deviance.

Durkheim had concentrated on individuals violating the moral order by offend-

ing the collective conscience. Erikson pointed out that the same result could be

THE WORK 113

obtained if society altered its definitions of good and evil and thereby created

deviants by labelling individuals as outside the normative boundaries. He

thought that something like that had happened when the community of Salem

and the authorities of the Massachusetts Bay Colony suddenly began to dis-

cover witch-craft where none had existed before. His explanation for this manu-

facturing of deviance was that the community had experienced an external

threat (King Charles II began reviewing claims to landownership in Mas-

sachusetts and land disputes broke out). The community responded (uncon-

sciously) to the external threat by creating deviants—moving the moral order—

which through the mechanism of public trials, had the effect of ritually reaffirm-

ing the threatened social boundaries. Other sociologists have gone on to apply

this analysis to political phenomena such as the Chinese Cultural Revolution

and the Watergate Trial. Durkheim's ideas have travelled a long way from their

starting point of Australian totemism; which is as he intended.

3.7.4 Primitive Classification and the Sociology of Knowledge —

Criticisms

In the Elementary Forms and the essay with Mauss, Primitive Classification

[13], Durkheim advanced a theory of knowledge that came to be labelled as

"sociological Kantianism". Whereas the philosopher Kant had posited that cate-

gories were given, a priori, in the human mind, and so programmed our percep-

tion of the world in terms of categories such as space, time, cause, etc.,

Durkheim claimed that these categories were socially determined. In addition to

the discussion of these ideas in the Elementary Forms, the other major state-

ment of them, with more detailed examples, is to be found in the essay, Primi-

tive Classification. At the beginning of that work, after giving a brief descrip-

tion of the tribal organization of the Australians, which was sub-divided into

moieties, marriage classes, and totemic clans, Durkheim and Mauss assert:

"All the members of the tribe are classed in this way in definite categories

which are enclosed one in the other. Now the classification of things

reproduces this classification of men" [13] , (italics in the original).

This was little more than a statement of correspondence, or parallelism,

between conceptual classification and social organization. Later, after describ-

ing the classificatory systems of the Zuni and the Sioux indians, the authors

used the term "express" to describe the relationship:

"Thus the two types of classification which we have just studied merely

express under different aspects the very societies within which they were

elaborated; one was modelled on the jural and religious organization of

the tribe, the other on its morphological organization" [13] , p. 66.

114 EMILE DURKHEIM

Elsewhere, however, especially in the Elementary Forms, Durkheim slipped

over into making causal statements to the effect that conceptual classifications

were caused by social organization: "There are societies in Australia and North

America where space is conceived in the form of an immense circle, because

the camp has a circular form…" [1] , p. 24 (italics added). In order to establish

such causal relations, Durkheim and Mauss would have had to check concomi-

tant variation—comparing cases where, for example, the camp was in the form

of a circle, to see if space was conceived as a circle in all cases, and vice versa.

In fact, they never looked for contrary cases.

One of the main criticisms of Durkheim's sociology of knowledge, leaving

aside criticisms of his style of argument, is that he did not give a sociological

explanation of the causes of the correspondence between conceptual systems

and social organization. He did not consider causal explanations based on utility

and interest, or as the result of people's interaction with their natural environ-

ment, (cf. Worsley, [14] and Lukes [9]). Where Durkheim and Mauss did offer

a causal explanation, towards the end of Primitive Classification, it was by ref-

erence to psychological factors, to the effect that there are "sentimental affini-

ties" between things, and that they are classified according to these affinities

"for reasons of sentiment" [13] , p. 85.

The strongest form of Durkheim's argument was that which established struc-

tural correspondences, without resorting to psychological experiences to explain

casuality. Durkheim and Mauss admitted that such states of collective emotion

were not susceptible to sociological analysis:

"Now emotion is naturally refractory to analysis, or at least lends itself

uneasily to it, because it is too complex. Above all, when it has a collec-

tive origin it defies critical and rational examination" [13] , p. 88.

It is worth noting that Claude Lévi-Strauss, who paid tribute to Durkheim as the

source of many of his own ideas in developing structuralist analysis, claimed to

have found a natural basis for explaining the ultimate structures of human cul-

ture without resorting to Durkheim's speculation about the emotional experi-

ence generated by social gatherings. Lévi-Strauss did this by developing

another aspect of Durkheim's programme for sociology—the "forgotten part of

the programme mapped out for it by Durkheim and Mauss":

"In his preface to the second edition of The Rules of Sociological Method,

Durkheim defends himself against the charge of having unjustifiably sepa-

rated the collective from the individual. He sees this separation as neces-

sary but does not exlude the possibility that in the future 'we will come to

conceive the possibility of a completely formal psychology, which would

be a sort of common ground of individual psychology and sociology…'

'What would be necessary'—Durkheim goes on—'would be to seek, by

the comparison of mythic themes, legends, popular traditions, and lan-

THE WORK 115

guages, in what way social representations call for each other or are mutu-

ally exclusive, merge with one another or remain distinct…'. He remarks,

in closing, that this research pertains on the whole to the field of abstract

logic" [15] , pp. 24–5.

The main point of this structuralist approach, as developed by Lévi-Strauss, is

that cultural phenomena such as kinship, myth, and totemism are analogous in

their structure to language, and function as codes. Totemism was a language

which enabled people to conceptualize thier social structure and the relationship

of groups within it. Where Lévi-Strauss went beyond Duikheim was in his

search for a natural basis for structuralism, and finding it in language, which

had a physiological basis in nature. He followed the linguist Roman Jakobson in

maintaining that language derived from a set of physiological constraints (con-

cerning the mouth and larynx) and a set of mental principles which enabled

speakers to encode and decode sounds (on the basis of binary opposition).

Both Mauss in his study of systems of reciprocity involved in gift-giving in

simpler societies (The Gift) [16] , and Lévi-Strauss in Elementary Structures of

Kinship [17] (a title chosen to connect with Durkheim's Elementary Forms ),

developed that aspect of Durkheim's structuralism which disclosed the hidden,

deeper structures, of which the people involved were not conscious. There were

norms of which people were aware, in the sense of following obligatory rules;

but these were often only the more obvious manifestations of more fundamental

codes, which had to be followed for reasons of logic—one thing entailed

another (or, was a function of another). The distinction is similar to that made in

linguistics between the conscious norms-rules of grammar and semantics—and

deeper structures of language of which we are not conscious. It is the deeper

social structural principles or codes that provide the link between forms of

social organization (i.e. ways of acting in relation to others) and collective repre-

sentations (i.e. ways of thinking and believing). Whatever the deficiences in

Durkheim's data and argument in the Elementary Forms, this case study of

totemic religion and clan organization proved seminal for the development of

sociological structuralist analysis.

3.7.5 Classification, Communication and Control

Perhaps the most successful efforts to show the relevance of Durkheim's find-

ings for the study of social control in modern society have come from two

British scholars, the social anthropologist, Mary Douglas, and the sociologist

Basil Bernstein, both of whom could be described as neo-Durkheimians. Dou-

glas, in one of her first works, began by applying Durkheim's ideas on the

sacred and profane, and on ritual, to showing that our efforts at cleaning up,

brushing away dirt, and putting things in their place, represent a ritualistic activ-

ity that functions to reaffirm "the structured and categorical nature of social real-

ity. The fact that dirt could be defined as "matter out of place" indicated the

116 EMILE DURKHEIM

existence of an underlying category system or order of things that varied from

society to society, and over time. The symbols of purity and impurity, particu-

larly those that related to relations between categories and groups of people,

such as between castes in India and between the sexes in many societies, mir-

rored designs of social hierarchy. Douglas also made clear the common rele-

vance of Durkheim's ideas for her work and for Bernstein's, which used

Durkheim's distinction between groups with "mechanical solidarity" and those

with "organic solidarity" to show that these integrative characteristics corre-

sponded with the use of different speech codes. Groups with mechanical solidar-

ity tended to have a "restricted" speech code (i.e. a narrower range of syntactic

alternatives, with the alternatives more rigidly organized, and heavy depen-

dence on social context), whereas groups with organic solidarity tend to have a

more "elaborated" speech code (i.e. wider range of syntactic alternatives, more

flexibly organized, less dependent on social context, more abstract, etc.). Dou-

glas suggested that ritual was a form of communication with a restricted code,

and that different types of communication corresponded to different types of

social control. In Bernstein's case he showed that the different linguistic codes

and types of social control corresponded to different social classes and their

cultures, as illustrated by the disadvantaged situation of working class children

whose restricted speech code was a handicap in schools where success

depended on conforming to an elaborated speech code.

The result of these cross-fertilizations deriving from Durkheim's seminal

work on religion has been to confirm his contention that fundamental insights

into the relations between the individual and social groups could be gained from

a comparative approach which began by analysing social structures and cultures

in their most rudimentary form. The task of Durkheim's sociological successors

has been to develop and critically adapt his ideas for the purpose of analysing

the structures and cultures of modern complex societies, (cf. Douglas, [2 , 3],

Bernstein, [18]).

REFERENCES

[1] Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, trs. J.W.

Swain, New York, Free Press, paperback edn. 1965.

[2] Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger, London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1966.

[3] Mary Douglas, Natural Symbols, London, Barrie & Rockliff, 1970, and Pel-

ican Books edn. 1973.

[4] Robert N.Bellah, "Civil Religion in America", Daedalus , 96, (Winter,

1967) , pp. 1–21.

[5] Peter L.Berger, & Thomas Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality,

London, Penguin, 1967.

[6] Peter L.Berger, The Social Reality of Religion, London, Faber 1969, pub-

lished as The Sacred Canopy, New York, Doubleday, 1967.

THE WORK 117

[7] Will Herberg, Protestant—Catholic—Jew , New York, Doubleday, 1960.

[8] E.E.Evans-Pritchard, Theories of Primitive Religion, Oxford, Clarendon

Press, 1965.

[9] Steven Lukes, Emile Durkheim, London, Allen Lane, 1973, Peregrine

paperback edn. 1975.

[10] Bernard Lacroix, "The Elementary Forms of Religious Life as a Reflection

on Power (Objet Pouvoir )", in Critique of Anthropology, 4, 13–14, 1979,

pp. 87–103.

[11] Guy Swanson, The Birth of the Gods; The Origin of Primitive Beliefs, Ann

Arbor, Michigan, University of Michigan Press, 1960.

[12] Kai Erikson, Wayward Puritans, New York, Wiley, 1966.

[13] Emile Durkheim & Marcel Mauss, Primitive Classification, trs. Rodney

Needham, London, Cohen & West, and Chicago, University of Chicago

Press, 1963.

[14] Peter Worsley, "E.Durkheim's Theory of Knowledge", in Sociological

Review, n.s. 4, 1, 1956, pp. 47–62.

[15] Claude Lévi-Strauss, Structural Anthropology vol. 2, New York, Basic

Books, 1976.

[16] Marcel Mauss, The Gift, trs. I. Cunnison, London & New York, Free Press,

1954.

[17] Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Elementary Structures of Kinship, trs. R.

Needham, London, 1969.

[18] Basil Bernstein, Class, Codes and Control, 3 vols., London, Routledge &

Kegan Paul, 1971–5.

[19] Edward Shils and Michael Young, "The meaning of the coronation," Socio-

logical Review, vol. 1, no. 2, 1953, pp. 63–82.

[20] Norman Birnbaum, "Monarchs and sociologists: a reply to Professor Shils

and Mr Young," Sociological Review, vol. 3, no. 1, 1955, pp. 5–23.

[21] Nicholas Abercrombie, Stephen Hill and Bryan S.Turner, The Dominant

Ideology Thesis, London, Allen & Unwin, 1980.

3.8 POLITICS

3.8.1 Outline and evaluation

Durkheim's most important work on politics was not published until thirty-three

years after his death, and even then it was as the result of the efforts of a Turk-

ish disciple and as a publication of the University of Istanbul. Based on

Durkheim's lecture notes, the book had the title: Lecons de sociologie: physique

des meurs et du droit (1950). It was published in an English translation in 1957

with the title Professional Ethics and Civic Morals [1] . Not surprisingly, in

view of this history, the most influential early accounts in English of

Durkheim's sociology were written without reference to this work (e.g. Alpert

118 EMILE DURKHEIM

[2], Parsons [3]), and underplayed the political content of his thought. Parsons,

especially, was responsible for promoting the idea that Durkheim's sociology

developed towards a more "idealist" position in his later work, with shared val-

ues and religion becoming the focus in place of the topic of changing forms of

social organization featured in The Division of Labour in Society. It is only in

recent years that there has been a reassessment of the extent to which

Durkheim's sociology was concerned with political problems and the nature of

the modern state (cf. Giddens [4] ).

In addition to this tendency of American commentators to assimilate

Durkheim's thought into a contemporary "functionist" or "voluntarist"

approach, he has also suffered misrepresentation from teachers of sociology

who found it convenient to contrast different approaches by identifying them

with specific individuals. Consequently, Durkheim was identified with an

approach preoccupied with "order" and "stability", in contrast to Marx, who

could be protrayed as concerned with "conflict" and "change".

This does not do justice to Durkheim's position. A better acquaintance with

his writings on politics in works such as Professional Ethics and Civic Morals,

Socialism [5], and in his articles, reviews, and correspondence, has led to a

greater appreciation of his concern about the need for social change in order to

fulfil the ideals of the French Revolution—liberty, equality, and fraternity.

Unlike Marx, however, he did not believe that fundamental and lasting changes

of a progressive kind could be brought about by a political revolution based on

class conflict. Drawing on the experience of France since the 1789 Revolution,

he concluded that political revolutions tended to lead to bureaucratic domina-

tion: "It is among the most revolutionary people that bureaucratic routine is

often most powerful"; in such societies "superficial mobility disguises the most

monotonous uniformity" [6]. In fact his position was not dissimilar from that of

Marx on the prospects for a successful revolution in a society, such as Russia,

where social and political organization had not evolved to a point where it could

sustain revolutionary changes. In Durkheim's view, the problem in France was

that the underlying social changes, of which the Revolution of 1789 and the

revolutionary movements of 1848 and 1870–71 were only a symptom, had not

yet been accommodated within the structure of modern France. The task of soci-

ology was to show the long-term evolutionary character of the changes that had

brought about industrialization (the division of labour) and which had still to

come to fruition. This was the analytical task taken up in the first book, The

Division of Labour in Society', and continued in Professional Ethics and Civic

Morals.

The differentiation of institutions and functions entailed in the division of

labour produced a situation marked by greatly increased individualism. This

could be a positive development or it could have pathological results, depending

on the type of individualism that prevailed. As it had developed in France and

other capitalist societies it had taken on pathological characteristics—egoism

rathen than moral individualism threatened to predominate. It was each man for

THE WORK 119

himself, rather than each for every other. Competition and conflict to satisfy

individual, unrestrained appetites reigned in place of cooperation to promote the

common good. Freedom of contract in this situation of inequality simply meant

that the strong exploited the weak. The situation could only be changed if the

state took a more positive role in securing the conditions under which individu-

als could develop their potentialities, involving equality of opportunity and a

drastic reduction in the inequalities perpetuated through the inheritance of

wealth. A crucial reform would be the development of intermediate institutions

between the individual and the state, so as to cohere the opinions of individuals

and communicate them to the state, and to channel the state's leadership down

to the grassroots; such institutions would also act as a buffer between the indi-

vidual and the state, and balance the power of the state. Because of the impor-

tance of the economic sphere in industrial societies, the key intermediate institu-

tion would be one that combined economic and moral functions—these should

be occupational associations, analogous to the ancient guilds or corporations.

This analysis, as developed in Professional Ethics and Civic Morals, can be

seen to have been a direct continuation of that begun in the Division of Labour.

Contrary to the impression given by some sociological critics, Durkheim's soci-

ology was not a conservative hankering after a return to the stability of the past,

nor was it a manifestation of an authoritarian urge to subjugate the individual to

society.

His thought was not part of the stream that flowed from the "counter-

reaction" against the French Revolution. Far from wishing to defend "order"

against change, his sociological analysis had the objective of helping society to

see what had to be done to achieve change. There could be no going back to the

mechanical solidarity of simpler societies, in which the individual was subordi-

nated to the collective conscience, based on uniformity. There was still a

"sacred" quality in society, and it attached to social ideals; in the modern era

they were ideals concerning respect for the dignity and worth of the individual.

These ideals of moral individualism could only be fulfilled if society was orga-

nized in such a way as to enable the individual to govern himself, that is to con-

trol the appetites and be free to realize his potential and to assist others to do the

same. Solidary groups and group ethics were required.

3.8.2 Professional Ethics and Civic Morals

This work, Professional Ethics and Civic Morals, makes it clear that Durkheim

was not neglectful of issues of class conflict, as some critics have alleged. In a

sense it was his major concern. But he regarded it as a symptom of the fact that

the economy was not subject to agreed moral discipline. Consequently it was

not enough simply to reform the economy in a once-and-for-all measure; it

needed to be kept in constant regulation so that it served moral ends:

"There has been talk, and not without reason, of societies becoming

120 EMILE DURKHEIM

mainly industrial. A form of activity that promises to occupy such a place

in society taken as a whole cannot be exempt from all precise moral regu-

lation, without a state of anarchy ensuing. The forces thus released can

have no guidance for their normal development, since there is nothing to

point out where a halt should be called. There is a head-on clash when the

moves of rivals conflict as they attempt to encroach on another's field or

to beat him down or drive him out. Certainly the stronger succeed in

crushing the not so strong or at any rate in reducing them to a state of sub-

jection. But since this subjection is only a de facto condition sanctioned

by no kind of morals, it is accepted only under duress until the longed-for

day of revenge. Peace treaties signed in-this fashion are always provi-

sional, forms of truce that do not mean peace to men's minds. This is how

these ever-recurring conflicts arise between the different factions of the

economic structure. If we put forward this anarchic competition as an

ideal we should adhere to—one that should even be put into practice more

radically than it is today—then we should be confusing sickness with a

conditon of good health. On the other hand, we should not get away from

this simply by modifying once and for all the lay-out of economic life; for

whatever we contrive, whatever new arrangements be introduced, it will

not become other than it is or change its nature. By its very nature, it can-

not be self-sufficing. A state of order or peace among men cannot follow

of itself from any entirely material causes, from any blind mechanism,

however scientific it may be. It is a moral task." [1], pp. 11–12.

It can be seen that he was critical of advocates of free enterprise and laissez-

faire economic policies, and of theories of scientific socialism in so far as they

were predominantly economic theories. In his opinion, the amoral and immoral

aspects of the economic system would only be cured if the people in each occu-

pation and industry regulated their own activities on the basis of their own sys-

tems of ethics:

"For in this order of social functions there is need for professional ethics

to be established, nearer the concrete, closer to the facts, with a wider

scope than anything existing today. There should be rules telling each of

the workers his rights and duties, not vaguely in general terms but in pre-

cise detail, having in view the most ordinary day-to-day occurrences. All

these various interrelations cannot remain for ever in a state of fluctuating

balance. A system of ethics, however, is not to be improvised. It is the

task of the very group to which they are to apply. When they fail it is

because the cohesion of the group is at fault, because as a group its exis-

tence is too shadowy and the rudimentary state of its ethics goes to show

its lack of integration. Therefore, the true cure for the evil is to give the

professional groups in the economic order a stability they so far do not

possess. While the craft union or corporate body is nowadays only a col-

THE WORK 121

lection of individuals who have no lasting ties one with another, it must

become or return to being a well-defined and organized association." [1],

pp. 12–13.

He saw no reason why membership of such occupational groups should not be

compulsory, and could not understand objections to the principle of the

closed-shop:

…"it is beyond me to understand the scruples that some feel in this case

against any suggestion of compulsion. Every citizen nowadays is obliged

to be attached to a commune (parish). Why then should the same principle

not apply to the profession or calling?" [1] , p. 39.

Durkheim believed the state could not regulate the various functions of the

economy, except at a very general, coordination and planning level; regulation

had to be pluralistic and decentralized, in the hands of the people actually

involved in production. Furthermore, this pluralistic, self-regulation of producer

groups was a more basic prerequisite change than a single socialist measure

such as changing the ownership of the means of production. Simply changing

the ownership, e.g. nationalization, would still leave unresolved the question of

regulation, and whether it was to be imposed from above or generated by the

people affected by it:

"This is why I believe that no reform has greater urgency. I will not say it

would achieve everything, but it is the preliminary condition that makes

all the others possible. Let us suppose that by a miracle the whole system

of property is entirely transformed overnight, and that on the collectivist

formula the means of production are taken out of the hands of individuals

and made over absolutely to collective ownership. All the problems

around us that we are debating today will still persist in their entirety.

There will always be an economic mechanism and various agencies to

combine in making it work. The rights and obligations of these various

agencies therefore have to be determined, and in the different branches of

industry at that. So a corpus of rules has to be laid down, fixing the stint

of work, the pay of the members of staff, and their obligations to one

another, towards the community, and so on. This means, then, that we

should still be faced with a blank page to work on. Supposing the means—

the machinery of labour—had been taken out of these hands or those and

placed in others, we should still not know how the machinery worked or

what the economic life should be, nor what to do in the face of this

change in conditions. The state of anarchy would still persist; for, let me

repeat, this state of anarchy comes about not from this machinery being in

these hands and not in those, but because the activity deriving from it is

not regulated. And it will not be regulated, nor its moral standard raised,

122 EMILE DURKHEIM

by any witchcraft. This control by rule and raising of moral standards can

be established neither by the scientist in his study nor by the statesman; it

has to be the task of the groups concerned. Since these groups do not exist

at the present time it is of the utmost urgency that they be created. The

other problems can only be usefully tackled after that." [1] , p. 31.

Durkheim had no scruple about abolishing private property ownership, although

he thought it would be difficult to do it at a stroke; public opinion would

demand that a parent should be able to pass on at least a modest amount of prop-

erty to children. However, the main point of his discussion of property was to

show that there was nothing sacred about property ownership in modern soci-

ety. There was no immutable principle that could determine property rights and

fair contract, because these were ideas relative to the morals and opinion of

society in each period and type of society. He believed the trend of social evolu-

tion was towards a morality that favoured equality of opportunity for each indi-

vidual. Property inheritance was archaic because it derived from a prior period

when the family was the social unit to which property was attached, because the

original form of property was land, which was immovable. Now, inherited

wealth was the main source of class divisions and produced a basic polarization

between two classes (a doctrine reminiscent of Marx):

"Now inheritance as an institution results in men being born either rich or

poor; that is to say, there are two main classes in society, linked by all

sorts of intermediate classes: the one which in order to live has to make its

services acceptable to the other at whatever the cost; the other class which

can do without these services, because it can call on certain resources,

which may, however, not be equal to the services rendered by those who

have them to offer. Therefore as long as such sharp class differences exist

in society, fairly effective palliatives may lessen the injustice of contracts;

but in principle, the system operates in conditions which do not allow of

justice. It is not only to cover certain particular points that 'lion's share'

contracts can be entered into, but the contract represents the 'lion's share'

system as far as any relations of the two classes are concerned. It is the

general lines on which the services of those not favoured by fortune are

assessed that seems unjust, because the conditions stand in the way of

their being reckoned at their true social value. The inherited fortune loads

the scales and upsets the balance. It is in opposition to this inequitable

assessment and to the whole state of society that allows it to happen, that

we get the growing revolt of men's conscience. It is true that over the cen-

turies, the injustice could be accepted without revolt because the demand

for equality was less. Today, however, it conflicts only too obviously with

the attitude which is found underlying our morality" [1] , pp. 213–214.

The solution, he maintained, was to abolish the inheritance of property (p. 216).

THE WORK 123

After all, it was no longer possible to bequeath titles and offices to one's

descendants; "Why should property be any more transferable?" (p. 216). How-

ever, he recognized that people in general might put up a lively resistance if it

was proposed to prevent them leaving any possessions to their family, because

it would offend certain deeply-rooted family customs. Some inheritance might

survive in weakened form: "We might, for instance, imagine that every head of

a family would have the right to leave to his children specified portions of the

heritage" (p. 217). The surplus wealth would not go to the state, which was

"already so blundering and wasteful" and "too far removed from things and

individuals to be able to carry out the tasks so vast and so complex with any

competence". There would have to be secondary groups, more limited in range

and closer to the facts in detail, to be able to fulfil this function. "We could

hardly choose any better suited to the task than the professional groups" (p.

218). However, he seemed to envisage the persistence of a distinct strata of

"employers" and the need for their separate representation, at least for some

industries.

The State

Durkheim's theory of politics and the state, as set out in Professional Ethics

and Civic Morals, entailed a perception of a fundamental opposition and analyt-

ical distinction between the governed and the governors: "An essential element

that enters into the notion of any political group is the opposition between the

governing and the governed, between authority and those subject to it" (p. 42).

However, authority relations also existed in institutions other than the state, for

example in the patriarchal family, so he added one further characteristic of polit-

ical society or the state. He rejected territory as a defining characteristic, despite

its inclusion in many other theories of the state, because the family had also had

its own territory, and nomadic societies had elaborate structures but no territory.

The defining characteristic was sovereignty over secondary groups:

"We should then define the political society as one formed by the coming

together of a rather large number of secondary social groups, subject to

the same one authority, which is not itself subject to any other superior

authority duly constituted" [1] , p. 45.

One slight complication was presented by federal states, in which each individ-

ual state was autonomous to a certain degree. Consequently, said Durkheim, we

should not make any hard-and-fast distinction, but see political societies as

more or less state formations depending on the degree to which they had a

sovereign independence as opposed to being subordinate to a superior organ (p.

47). He admitted that the use of the terms "political society" and "state" were

not always distinguished, even in his own writings. However, an effort should

124 EMILE DURKHEIM

be made to maintain a distinction between the state proper, and its associated

institutions.

Some theorists of the state blur the distinction between it and associated insti-

tutions, such as the military, the Church, education, etc., on the grounds that

they are part of the state because they incorporate the ideology of the ruling

class (thus, Althusser [7] refers to them as "Ideological State Apparatuses").

Durkheim emphasized the relative autonomy of the state and its distinctive func-

tions. By the state he meant mainly the policy-making level of government, and

although he noted that it could come under pressure from ideologies and forces

of opinion stemming from other sectors of society, he maintained that the state

was the originating source of a particular type of ideology or consciousness. Its

decisions might be affected by ideological forces emanating from outside itself,

but its decisions

"…above all express the particular milieu where it has its origin. It often

happens, too, that there may even be discord between this milieu and the

nation as a whole, and that decisions taken by the government or parlia-

mentary vote may be valid for the whole community and yet do not

square with the state of social opinion. So we may say that there is a col-

lective psychic life, but this life is not diffused throughout the entire

social body: although collective, it is localized in a specific organ. And

this localization does not come about simply through concentration on a

given point of a life having its origins outside this point. It is in part at this

very point that it has its beginning. When the state takes thought and

makes a decision, we must not say that it is the society that thinks and

decides through the state, but that the state thinks and decides for it" [1],

p. 49.

Durkheim defined the state in terms of its function:

"It is a group of officials sui generis, within which representations and

acts of volition involving the collectivity are worked out, although they

are not the product of the collectivity…. To sum up, we can therefore say

that the state is a special organ whose responsibility it is to work out cer-

tain representations which hold good for the collectivity. These representa-

tions are distinguished from other collective representations by their

higher degree of consciousness and reflection" [1] , pp. 49–50.

Thus the state was the organ of social thought and its supreme decision-maker.

He distinguished the state proper from the executive which carries out the deci-

sions. The state proper originated the decisions and the thinking about them—it

was like the central nervous system, and the executive was similar to the muscu-

lar system.

He had a positive view of the state, unlike some conservatives, and he did not

THE WORK 125

think the growth in the state's activities need be at the expense of the individual,

in contrast to the view of Herbert Spencer. The state could be liberating for the

individual. His only objection to theories which took as their object the protec-

tion and development of the rights and capacities of the individual was that they

did not see the need to order the state in such a way as to make these aspirations

feasible and durable [1] , p. 60. Durkheim's positive view of the state also

required that nation states should turn away from old tendencies to imperialist

expansion and rivalry. But in turning inwards they should not concentrate solely

on economic development—the production of more goods was not a sufficient

goal. The aim of the state should be to promote social justice and the full devel-

opment of all citizens:

"The planning of the social milieu so that the individual may realize him-

self more fully, and the management of the collective apparatus in a way

that will bear less hard on the individual; an assured and amicable

exchange of goods and services and the cooperation of all men of good

will towards an ideal they share without any conflict; in these, surely, we

have enough to keep public activity fully employed" [1] , p. 71.

In turning away from war and international conflict, and away from militarism,

the society should not become "a vast digestive apparatus":

"It is not merely a matter of increasing the exchanges of goods and ser-

vices, but of seeing that they are done by rules that are more just; it is not

simply that everyone should have access to rich supplies of food and

drink. Rather, it is that each one should be treated as he deserves, each be

freed from an unjust and humiliating tutelage, and that, in holding to his

fellows and his group, a man should not sacrifice his individuality. And

the agency on which this special responsibility lies is the state" [1],

pp. 71–2.

One final subject that Durkheim discussed was that of national patriotism ver-

sus world patriotism, or internationalism. He believed that a world state was too

far in the future to enter current reckoning, and he did not think a European

Community (a confederation of European states) would advance matters very

much:

"A confederation of European States, for instance, is advanced, but

vainly, as a half-way course to achieving societies on a bigger scale than

those we know today. This greater confederation, again, would be like an

individual state, having its own identity and its own interests and features.

It would not be humanity" [1] , p.74.

He considered it unfortunate that patriotism seemed to manifest itself in con-

126 EMILE DURKHEIM

flicts and wars with outside entities. A better kind of patriotism would be one

which was internally oriented:

"As long as there are states, so there will be national pride, and nothing

can be more warranted. But societies can have their pride, not in being the

greatest or the wealthiest, but in being the most just, the best organized

and in possessing the best moral constitution" [1] , p.75.

Ever the realist, he concluded, "To be sure, we have not yet reached the point

when this kind of patriotism could prevail without dissent, if indeed such a time

could ever come". Qearly he was no starry-eyed optimist, as his critics have

sometimes suggested. He walked the difficult and seldom intellectually glam-

orous road of patient analysis and constructive reform.

Conclusions

Durkheim's involvement with practical politics was slight. He feared it

would distract him and his collaborators on L 'Anneé sociologique from their

task of building up scientific sociology, especially as earlier sociologists such as

Comte and Saint-Simon had brought sociology into disrepute among serious

scholars by substituting preaching for scientific analysis. There was a further

scruple that prevented Durkheim from injecting a stronger partisan element into

his sociology, and that was his belief that the teacher should not exploit his pro-

fessional position to make political propaganda. (In this he resembled Max

Weber, his German contemporary.)

The closest he came to political involvement, apart from the Dreyfus Affair,

was with the solidarist movement. He spoke at the international conference on

solidarism, held as part of the Exposition Universelle of 1900, and he was

widely quoted in solidarist literature. However, this was probably the full extent

of his participation, and his own position on solidarity was nearer to that of

those nineteenth-century leftist and reformist movements for whom it equated

with basic social reform, rather than the diluted version of the amorphous

movement in the Third Republic, (cf. La Capra [8] , p. 73; a contrasting view is

given in Hayward [9] ; a discussion of the impact of Durkheim's ideas on

Georges Sorel, and on syndicalism and fascism, is provided by Roberts [10]).

The political implications of Durkheim's sociology have been likened to the

British tradition of non-Marxist, socialist critique of capitalism, a prominent

exponent of which was R.H.Tawney (1880–1962). Like Tawney, Durkheim

looked for a way of transcending class divisions through social reform, the

establishment of a kind of guild socialism based on ethical community with a

vision of social justice, and where power would be responsibly exercised

because it would be grounded in equality of respect for other individuals, (cf.

Eldridge [11] , Tawney [12] ) And, like Tawney, Durkheim believed that a soci-

THE WORK 127

ety based on competition, exploitation, and rivalry (i.e. contemporary capital-

ism) could not be consistent with a fraternal society of equals.

Where Durkheim differed from what he took to be the Marxist view of

exploitation, was that he did not think the evils of capitalism derived solely

from exploitation of one class by another, but also from the exploitation of

man's selfish instincts, giving rise to insatiable consumerism and striving for

wealth. Consumerism can exist even after the ownership of the means of produc-

tion has been socialized. Durkheim did not have any attachment to the system

of private ownership of property—there was nothing sacred about it, and it was

a remnant of a territorially-based family ownership system. The exploitations

that Durkheim thought were more difficult to abolish, and therefore more impor-

tant to grapple with, were the exploitations of wealth-seeking, consumerism,

and bureaucratic domination. (One of his criticisms of socialist doctrines was

that they focused on economic issues to the detriment of any consideration of

the sources and solutions of these other pathological tendencies.)

His objection to most economic doctrines of his day was that they studied

economic functions as if they were an end in themselves, rather than a means to

an end:

"Society has no justification if it does not bring a little peace to men—

peace in their hearts and peace in their mutual intercourse. If, then, indus-

try can be productive only by disturbing their peace and unleashing war-

fare, it is not worth the cost" [1] , p. 16.

3.8.3 Socialism

Le Socialisme was also published posthumously (in 1928, English translation

1958 [5] ). It was based on the first part of a course of lectures on the history of

socialism that Durkheim delivered at Bordeaux, from 1895 to 1896. His interest

in socialism dated from his time at the Ecole Normale Supérieure, his contacts

with the so-called "Socialists of the chair" in Germany, and his original concep-

tion for a doctoral thesis on "The relationship of individualism and socialism".

An additional reason for giving this course of lectures was that many of his

brightest students were converted to socialism, and even formed a study circle

to examine Marx's Capital. He saw the need for subjecting this movement and

its ideas to sociological analysis in terms of a sociology of knowledge approach.

He treated it as an ideology, which could be related to the social structures and

conditions which had determined its existence and form.

The book contains only the first part of the projected history: Definition,

Beginnings of socialism, and Saint-Simon. Later sections were to cover Proud-

hon, Lasalle, Marx, and German socialism; but he never completed these,

owing to the fact that he started L'Annee sociologique in 1896, and he then

devoted all his energies to building up scientific sociology. As with his other

works, Socialism begins with a consideration of suggested definitions of the

128 EMILE DURKHEIM

phenomenon. He considered and rejected three popular definitions. The first,

maintained that socialism meant the pure and simple negation of private prop-

erty. But, Durkheim pointed out, even Marxist socialism left a space for some

property ownership in private hands: "It indeed withdraws from individuals the

right to possess the means of production, but not to every form of wealth. They

retain an absolute right over the products of their work" [5] , p. 47.

The second definition claimed that socialism rested on subordination of the

individual to the collectivity. But, if by this collectivity was meant the state,

then that was not true of Marxism, which intended to abolish the state.

"Wrongly or rightly, Marx and his disciples believe that from the time that

socialist organization is established, it can function by itself, automatically,

without any constraint…" [5], p. 49. The third definition maintained that social-

ism meant the amelioration of the condition of the working classes by introduc-

ing greater equality into economic relations. However, this was not unique to

socialism. Nor was it the primary aim of all socialists. For example, "the aca-

demic socialists, who are much more concerned with safeguarding the interests

of the state than with protecting the disinherited" [5] , p. 50.

Durkheim then offered his own definition, having first made clear that it was

more important to study what form socialist movements took in practice than it

was to propagate an idea of what it ought to be. His definition was as follows:

"We denote as socialist every doctrine which demands the connection of

all economic functions, or of certain among them, which are at the present

time diffuse, to the directing and conscious centres of society" [5] , p. 54.

According to this definition, Durkheim made socialism into an inevitable devel-

opment in social evolution, and its origination as a doctrine and a social move-

ment was also socially determined. However, he insisted on subjecting it to cool

sociological analysis, like a scientist dissecting a frog. It might seem as though

he lacked sympathy for socialism, when in fact the contrary was true. The

closer the sociologist felt to a social phenomenon being studied, the more impor-

tant it was to hold it at a distance and analyse it as though it was a strange phe-

nomenon [5] , p. 55.

Having defined socialism, Durkheim went on to distinguish it from Utopian

communist ideas (although he admitted the two sets of ideas mingled together

in modern socialism). Ideas of communism could be traced back to Plato, and

were to be found in Thomas More's Utopia (1515, first English translation

1551). They were ideas that came and went with the individual philosophers

who produced them, and they were not related to structural developments in

society. Communist Utopian ideas were opposed to wealth, which was the

source of evil, whereas socialism was opposed to the private ownership of the

means of production. Socialist ideas arose with the development of modern

industrial society, as exemplified by the ideas of Saint-Simon in France and

Robert Owen in Britain. This was in contrast to communist ideas, "…because

THE WORK 129

socialism is bound to a socially concrete setting, it reveals itself at once as a

social and enduring tendency" [5] , p. 74. Not only were they differently located

historically, but also they differed in their mode of analysis:

"Communists treat poverty and wealth in abstracto, on logical and moral

grounds; socialists examine the conditions in which the non-capitalist

workingmen exchanges his services, in a determinate social organization"

[5], p. 89.

Socialism was one of the three reactions to industrialization that had appeared at

the beginning of the nineteenth century; the other two were a quasi-religious

movement to create a new moral basis for society, and then there was sociology

itself. Saint-Simon had been a source of all three sets of ideas. It was now vital

to distinguish them, said Durkheim.

In so far as he made any criticisms of socialism, they were directed against its

tendency to confine itself to offering economic solutions to problems which

were also moral, and for leading people involved in this social movement to

misrecognize its nature—the usual effect of an ideology—by claiming to be a

social science on a par with sociology. With regard to this claim, and the rela-

tion between socialism and sociology, Durkheim was concerned that the scien-

tific status of sociology should not be put in jeopardy by merging the two, or by

allowing socialism to give the impression that it was an alternative science.

Socialism was a movement, and a symptom of social conditions, not a science

(although socialists should draw on the findings of sciences such as sociology).

The characteristic attitude of a science was one of caution, and this was lacking

in socialism. Sociology, for its part, had gained a great deal from socialism;

more than it had given in return so far:

"It is indisputable that it has thus rendered social science more services

perhaps than it has received from it. For, it has aroused reflection, it has

stimulated scientific activity, it has instigated research, posed problems,

so that in more than one way its history blends with the very history of

sociology" [5] , p. 40.

Socialism had tried to pass off as science a variety of opinions and prognostica-

tions concerning all aspects of social order, even in areas where research was

still in its infancy. The basis for prediction had not been established: "Socialism

has not taken the time; perhaps one could even say, it did not have the time" [5],

p. 40. This charge applied even to the work of Marx:

"The only attitude that science permits in the face of these problems is

reservation and circumspection, and socialism can hardly maintain this

without lying to itself. And, in fact, socialism has not maintained this atti-

tude. Not even the strongest work—the most systematic, the richest in

130 EMILE DURKHEIM

ideas—that this school has produced: Marx's Capital What statistical

data, what historical comparisons, what studies would be indispensable to

solve any one of the innumerable questions that are dealt with there! …

Socialism is not a science, a sociology in miniature—it is a cry of grief,

sometimes of anger, uttered by men who feel most keenly our collective

malaise. Socialism is to the facts which produce it what the groans of a

sick man are to the illness with which he is afflicted, to the needs that tor-

ment him. But what would one say of a doctor who accepted the replies or

desires of his patient as scientific truths? Moreover, the theories ordinarily

offered in opposition to socialism are no different in nature and they no

more merit the title we refuse the latter. When economists call for laissez-

faire, demanding that the influence of the state be reduced to nothing, that

competition be freed of every restraint, they are not basing their claims on

laws scientifically developed/The social sciences are still much too young

to be able to serve as bases for practical doctrines, which are so vast and

of such breadth" [5] , pp. 40–41.

It is not difficult to see why Durkheim felt that his first priority was to devote

himself to L''Année sociologique and the task of building up sociology. But

because he avoided involvement in political struggles he failed to develop an

appreciation of the strength of the class interests that frustrated political devel-

opment along the lines he had envisaged. The most serious criticism of his polit-

ical sociology is that it did not face up to the prolems of changing the existing

division of labour based on opposing class interests, and perpetuated by state

institutions which were part of the existing relations of class domination and

subordination.

REFERENCES

[1] Émile Durkheim, Professional Ethics and Civic Morals, trs. by C. Brook-

field, London, Routledge & Keegan Paul, 1957.

[2] Harry Alpert, Émile Durkheim and His Sociology, New York, Columbia

University Press, 1939.

[3] Talcott Parsons, The Structure of Social Action, New York, McGraw-Hill,

1937.

[4] Anthony Giddens, "Durkheim's Political Sociology", Sociological Review,

19, 4, 1971, pp.477–519.

[5] Émile Durkheim, Socialism, trs. by C.Sattler, introductions by M.Mauss

and A.Gouldner, New York, Collier Books, 1962, and London, Collier-

Macmillan paperback edn.; first published in English as Socialism and

Saint-Simon, Antioch Press, 1958.

[6] Émile Durkheim, Moral Education, trs. by E.K.Wilson and H. Schnurer,

New York, Free Press, and London, Collier-Macmillan, 1961.

THE WORK 131

[7] Louis Althusser, "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses" in his Lenin

and Philosophy and Other Essays, London, New Left Books, 1971.

[8] Dominick La Capra, Émile Durkheim: Sociologist and Philosopher, Ithaca,

Cornell University Press, 1972.

[9] J.E.S.Hayward, "Solidarity: The Social History of an Idea in Nineteenth

Century France", International Review of Social History , n.s. IV, 1972, pp.

261–284.

[10] David D.Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, Chapel

Hill, N-C., University of North Carolina Press, 1979.

[11] John Eldridge, Recent British Sociology, London, Macmillan, 1980.

[12] R.H.Tawney, The Acquisitive Society, London, Bell, 1921.

3.9 EDUCATION

3.9.1 Morals and Education

Both at Bordeaux and Paris, Durkheim's university appointments were to lec-

ture primarily on education to trainee school teachers, with sociology as a sub-

sidiary responsibility (almost a case of smuggling in sociology by the back door

to avoid the entrenched opposition). Two of the most important sets of lectures

on education were published shortly after his death: Education and Sociology

(1922, English translation 1956 [1] ) and Moral Education (1925, English trs.

1961 [2]). The third, The Evolution of Educational Thought, was published in

1938 and not translated into English until 1977 [3] ;it is perhaps the most

neglected of his works, despite the fact that it is an important demonstration of

his structural sociology in a historical mode, and it is vital for understanding his

conception of ideology. It is significant methodologically because it combines

historical and sociological analysis in a subtle way, and so serves to correct the

impression that Suicide was the work most representative of his sociological

method. Taken along with Professional Ethics and Civic Morals it dispels the

mistaken view that his sociology was inherently conservative in its political

implications.

Central to his teaching on educational theory and practice was the subject of

morals, which he interpreted in a very broad sense to refer to rules of various

sorts. He applied his method of structural analysis to show that morals and edu-

cational ideas and practices were socially determined. Education was "the

means by which society perpetually re-creates the conditions of its very exis-

tence" and it involved "a systematic socialization of the young generation" [1],

pp. 123–124. Educational reform was a high priority of the Third Republic,

which required the formulation and inclusion of an appropriate secular morality

to replace that of the Church. Durkheim's first task was to show that there was

nothing absolute about systems of morals, because they were socially relative,

and, therefore, the formulation of an appropriate morality for modern society

132 EMILE DURKHEIM

could only proceed after the lessons had been learned about how morality had

functioned in relation to previous social structures.

All moral behaviour shared a common characteristic: it was behaviour that

conformed to pre-existing rules. "Morality consists of a system of rules of

action that predetermine conduct" [2] , p. 24. It laid down limits beyond which

individual behaviour could not deviate without bringing sanctions into play. It

was not a question of individuals constantly making decisions as to how to

behave by consulting some general principle. A moral system was internalized

and shaped behaviour: it was "a totality of definite rules; it is like so many

molds with limiting boundaries, into which we pour our behaviour" (ibid). The

regularity that is characteristic of moral behaviour was not simply the result of

habit; "it is a way of acting that we do not feel free to alter according to taste",

(ibid, p. 28). An added characteristic was the sense of authority: "By authority

we must understand that influence which imposes upon us all the moral power

that we acknowledge as superior to us." (ibid, p. 29). The regularity and author-

ity of rules were bound together by the spirit of discipline: "Discipline in effect

regularizes conduct. It implies repetitive behaviour under determinate condi-

tions." (ibid, p. 31). The second characteristic element related to the content of

morality, which Durkheim described as "attachment to social groups". To act

morally was to act in terms of the collective interest: "Man acts morally only

when he works towards goals superior to, or beyond, individual goals." (ibid, p.

69). Self-interest and the sum of self-interests could only be amoral, which was

represented in the egoistic individualism that characterised contemporary capi-

talist society. This was quite different from "moral individualism", which

required of moral behaviour an extra characteristic in modern society—that of

"autonomy". It was not enought to act morally out of respect for authority or

commitment to a group; moral action had to be rational, based on as complete

an awareness as possible of the reasons for our conduct.

Moral education had to enable the child to carry out a symbolic explanation

of the rule itself, its cause and reasons for being, (ibid, p. 120). Sociology, allied

with history, could help the teacher to develop this kind of ability in children.

The course summarized in The Evolution of Educational Thought [3] aimed to

develop just such an appreciation of the social factors that had caused moral and

educational ideas to take certain forms in specific periods.

Finally, Durkheim has been criticized for his stress on education's function of

serving to reproduce society. It is alleged that this represents a conservative

stress on stability and a neglect of education as an instrument of social change.

In fact, Durkheim made it clear that he did not think teachers should rest con-

tent with reproducing society as it had existed; a society without conflict and

change would be a stagnant and medicore society:

"A society in which there is pacific commerce between its members, in

which there is no conflict of any sort, but which has nothing more than

that, would have a rather mediocre qualtiy. Society must, in addition,

THE WORK 133

have before it an ideal toward which it reaches…. It must go on to new

conquests; it is necessary that the teacher prepare the children who are in

his trust for these necessary advances. He must be on his guard against

transmitting the moral gospel of our elders as a sort of closed book. On

the contrary, he must excite in them a desire to add a few lines of their

own, and give them the tools to satisfy this legitimate ambition" [3],

pp. 13–4.

However, Durkheim remained extremely cautious about the prospects for mak-

ing radical social changes through education alone. As we have noted earlier, in

discussing the prospects for education acting as a cure for suicide and other

social ills, he warned that it was a mistake to ascribe to education a power it

lacked; it tended to reproduce society rather than to change it. It was for this

reason that he took a sceptical view of the possibilities for counteracting the bad

effects of the division of labour into minute tasks by giving workers a general

education of a more literary kind. As he put it: "No doubt, it is good for the

worker to be interested in art, literature, etc., but it is none the less bad that he

should be treated as a machine all day" [2] , p. 372.

One of the main criticisms of Durkheim's sociology has been to the effect

that he did not see that ideology, as represented by moral and education doc-

trines and practices, could be biased and systematically work in favour of the

interests of some classes against those of others. Added to this is the charge that

he was blind to education's role in restricting the life-chances of some classes,

(cf. Lukes [4] , p. 133.) However, these charges are completely refuted by his

historical analyses of the relations between social classes and educational ideas

and practices, as set out in The Evolution of Educational Thought. A good

example is provided by his analysis of the educational changes brought about

by the Renaissance. He explained these as the result of economic factors and

changes in the position of certain classes, particularly the newly-wealthy

"leisured class". His argument was that a growth in wealth and consumption led

to an increasing emulation of aristocratic life-styles by the aspiring middle

class, and a change in educational ideas. The educational ideas of Humanism, as

exemplified by Erasmus, were directed towards refinement of cultural tastes to

fit the "leisured class" for polite society. And, Durkheim added, this was at the

cost of the total neglect of the educational needs of the masses:

"Thus the educational ideas of the Humanists were not the result of sim-

ple accidents; they derived rather from a fact whose influence on the

moral history of our country it is difficult to exaggerate; I refer to the

establishment of polite society…. The object of education as Erasmus

conceived it was to prepare men for this special and restricted society.

Here too we can see the essential character and at the same time the radi-

cal flaw of this educational theory. It is essentially aristocratic in nature.

The kind of society which it seeks to fashion is always centred around a

134 EMILE DURKHEIM

court, and its members are always drawn from the ranks of the aristocracy

or at least from the leisured classes.

Neither Erasmus nor Vives had any awareness that beyond this small

world, which for all its brilliance was very limited, there were vast masses

who should not have been neglected, and for whom education should

have raised their intellectual and moral standards and improved their mate-

rial condition…. For the majority the supreme need is survival; and what

is needed in order to survive is not the art of subtle speech, it is the art of

sound thinking so that one knows how to act. In order to struggle effec-

tively in the world of persons and the world of things, more substantial

weapons are needed than those glittering decorations with which the

Humanist educationalists were concerned to adorn the mind to the exclu-

sion of everything else" [3] , pp. 205–206.

There is no better example of Durkheim's structural mode of analysis than that

contained in his discussion of the ideology of Humanism. In addition to examin-

ing the morphological structural facts that had determined it, he also examined

the confluence of collective representations that structured the ideology itself:

"In fact 'man', as Humanist teachers portrayed and continue to portray

him, was no more than the product of a synthesis between Christian,

Roman, and Greek ideals; and it was these three ideals which were used

to mould him, because it was these three ideals which had moulded the

consciousness of those who expounded him…. There is consequently no

justification whatsoever for presenting it as the only ideal conception of

man, the only one which expresses the true nature of man; it stands, on

the contrary, in very definite causal relationship to a particular time and a

particular place" [3] , pp. 326–327.

The teacher, drawing on sociology and history, could help the child to see these

social determinants of ideology and so enable the child to make rational judge-

ments based on an enlightened consciousness. And once the variability of

human nature became understood in the light of an understanding of its determi-

nation by social structural factors, then the "commonsense" or "natural" claims

of the ideology would be exposed as false, and the possibilities for change

would be revealed.

CONCLUSION

Durkheim's view of the mission of sociology was that it should become a scien-

tific discipline, using structural analysis to reveal how social being determines

consciousness, and that the ensuing enlightened consciousness should enable us

THE WORK 135

to make judicious changes that would last. Neither conservative nor revolution-

ary, he believed that lasting change could only be brought about by painstaking

analysis and laborious effort. He was convinced that sociological analysis could

have profound effects by changing people's consciousness. For example, its

revelation of the structural determinants of human nature "differs dramatically

from that implied in and propagated by the traditional Humanist education" and

"the value of seeing man this way is not of a purely theoretical kind; for, as we

should expect, our conception of man is also capable of affecting our conduct"

[3], pp. 328–9. The result of developing a sociological consciousness would be

to open up the existing conception of human nature, which was "narrowly and

rigidly circumscribed" and "essentially hostile to any innovation of real signifi-

cance"; consequently "any reform which depends on a relatively radical modifi-

cation of human desires most easily strikes us as a dangerous and impracticable

utopianism" (ibid). The sociologically informed consciousness or imagination

could open up mental horizons and teach us that "we ought to become very sus-

picious of claims to be able to restrict the possible scope of evolution in the

future" (ibid).

Durkheim had little of Marx's romantic vision of the possibilities for revolu-

tionary change. But he was remarkably open-minded and cautiously optimistic.

His dedication to the vocation of sociologist was at the same time a dedication

to analysing the structural determinants of social change:

"What history teaches us is that man does not change arbitrarily; he does

not transform himself at will on hearing the voices of inspired prophets.

The reason is that all change, in colliding with the inherited institutions of

the past, is inevitably hard and laborious; consequently it only takes place

in response to the demands of necessity. For change to be brought about it

is not enough that it should be seen as desirable; it must be the product of

changes within the whole network of diverse causal relationships which

determine the situation of man" [3] , pp. 329–30.

REFERENCES

[1] Émile Durkheim, Education and Sociology, translated by D.F. Pocock ,

London, Cohen and West; Glencoe, Free Press, 1956.

[2] Émile Durkheim, Moral Education, translated by Everett K.Wilson and

Herman Schnurer, Glencoe, Free Press, 1961.

[3] Émile Durkheim, The Evolution of Educational Thought, translated by Peter

Collins, Boston, and London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1977.

[4] Steven Lukes, Émile Durkheim : His Life and Work, London, Penguin, 1975.

136 EMILE DURKHEIM

Bibliography of Durkheim's Major

Works

ORIGINAL WORKS

(Durkheim's books, including those which appeared posthumously, were first

published in Paris by Felix Alcan, unless otherwise stated.)

1893 De la division du travail social : étude sur l'organisation des sociétés

supérieures.

1895 Les règies de la méthode sociologique.

1897 Le suicide : étude de sociologie.

1903 (with Marcel Mauss) 'De quelques formes primitives de classification:

contribution a l'étude des représentations collectives', L'Année sociologique,

vol. 6, pp. 1–72.

1912 Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse: le système totémique en Aus-

tralie.

Published posthumously

1922 Education et sociologie. Introduction by Paul Fauconnet.

1924 Sociologie et philosophie. Preface by Celestin Bouglé.

1925 L'Education morale. Foreword by P.Fauconnet.

1928 Le socialisme: sa definition, ses debuts, la doctrine Saint-Simonienne.

Introduction by Marcel Mauss, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France.

1938 L'Evolution pédagogique en France. Introduction by Maurice Halb-

wachs; two volumes.

1950 Leçons de sociologie : physique des moeurs et du droit. Foreword by H.

Nail Kubali; introduction by Georges Davy, Istanbul, L'université d'lstanbul,

and Paris, Presses Universitaires de France.

1955 Pragmatisme et sociologie. Reconstructed from students' notes by

Armand Cuvillier, Paris, Vrin.

137

ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS

(Dates are those of hardback editions, whereas references in text include paper-

back edns.)

1915 The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life: a Study in Religious Sociol-

ogy. Trans. Joseph Ward Swain, London: Allen & Unwin; New York:

Macmillan.

1933 The Division of Labour in Society. Trans. with an introduction by George

Simpson, New York: Macmillan.

1938 The Rules of Sociological Method. Trans. Sarah A.Solovay and John

Mueller; introduction by George E.G.Catlin, Chicago: University of Chicago

Press.

1951 Suicide : a Study in Sociology. Trans. John A.Spaulding and George Simp-

son; introduction by George Simpson, Glencoe: Free Press; London: Rout-

ledge & Paul, 1952.

1953 Sociology and Philosophy. Trans. D.F.Pocock; introduction by J.G.

Peristiany, London: Cohen & West; Glencoe: Free Press.

1956 Education and Sociology. Trans. with an introduction by Sherwood D.

Fox; Foreword by Talcott Parsons, Vlencoe: Free Press.

1957 Professional Ethics and Civic Morals. Translation of Lemons de Sociolo-

gie by Cornelia Brookfield, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

1958 Socialism and Saint-Simon (subsequently entitled Socialism) . Trans. Char-

lotte Sattler; introduction by Alvin W.Gouldner, Yellow springs: Antioch

Press; London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1959.

1960 Montesquieu and Rousseau. Trans. Ralph Manheim, Ann Arbor: Univer-

sity of Michigan Press.

1961 Moral Education: a Study in the Theory and Application of the Sociology

of Education . Trans. Everett K.Wilson and Herman Schnurer; introduction

by Everett K.Wilson, Glencoe: Free Press.

1963 Primitive Classification. Trans. with an introduction by Rodney Need-

ham, London: Cohen & West; Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

1977 The Evolution of Educational Thought. Trans. Peter Collins, London:

Routledge & Kegan Paul.

ESSAYS AND REVIEWS

Bellah, Robert N. (ed.) Émile Durkheim on Morality and Society, Chicago, Uni-

versity of Chicago Press, 1973.

Duvignaud, Jean (ed.) Journal Sociologique, Paris, Presses Universitaires de

France, 1969.

Nandon, Yash (ed.) Émile Durkheim; Contributions to L'Année Sociologique,

London, Collier-Macmillan, New York, Free Press, 1980.

138 EMILE DURKHEIM

Filloux, Jean-Claude (ed.), Émile Durkheim, La Science Sociale et l'Action,

Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1970.

Traugott, Mark (ed.) Émile Durkheim on Institutional Analysis, Chicago, Uni-

versity of Chicago Press, 1978.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF DURKHEIM'S MAJOR WORKS 139

Revised Annotated Bibliography of

Secondary Sources

1. GENERAL

Steven Lukes, Emile Durkheim: His Life and Work, London, Allen Lane, 1973;

Penguin Peregrine paperback, 1975. The most authoritative and magisterial

intellectual biography of Durkheim. An essential reference book.

Talcott Parsons, The Structure of Social Action, New York, McGraw-Hill,

1937, and the Free Press, 1949, chs 8–12. Parsons was the dominant theorist

in American sociology in its period of expansion after the Second World

War. His treatment of Durkheim in this work was in terms of a convergence

with other theorists, such as Weber and Pareto, leading towards Parsons'

own voluntaristic theory of social action. It entailed postulating a 'break' in

Durkheim's thought, after Suicide, when it turned from positivism towards

voluntarism, i.e. emphasizing values (although Parsons objected that

Durkheim had 'overshot the mark and gone clean into idealism' because he

did not give attention to individual will and effort). Despite the criticisms

that can be made against this interpretation, there is no doubt that Parsons

firmly established Durkheim's reputation as one of the two great founding

theorists of modern sociology (along with Weber).

Susan Stedman Jones, Durkheim Reconsidered, Cambridge, Polity Press, 2001.

A thorough and up-to-date analysis of the philosophical bases of Durkheim's

work, giving particular attention to the influence of Renouvier on Durkheim.

W.S.F.Pickering (ed.), Durkheim Today, Oxford: Durkheim Press/Berghahn

Books, 2002. This is a collection of short introductions to the main areas of

Durkheim's sociology, written by the editors of several volumes of recent

critical assessments of his ideas (see Pickering (ed.), 2001).

W.S.F.Pickering (ed.), Emile Durkheim: Critical Assessments III, 4 vols., Lon-

don, Routledge, 2001. This is the third set of Critical Assessments of

Durkheim's works, drawing together recent articles covering many aspects

of his thought.

Stephen Turner (ed.), Emile Durkheim: Sociologist and Moralist, London, Rout-

140

ledge, 1993. A useful set of essays by an international team of scholars, cov-

ering important issues.

Jeffrey C.Alexander (ed.), Durkheimian Sociology : cultural studies, Cambridge

and New York, Cambridge University Press, 1988. This set of essays led the

way in developing a Durkheimian sociology of culture.

2. DIVISION OF LABOUR

A.Barnes, 'Durkheim's Division of Labour in Society', in Man, 2 (June 1966),

pp. 158–75. A critical review of Durkheim's Division of Labour thesis and a

discussion of relevant evidence.

Elizabeth Garnsey, 'The Rediscovery of the Division of Labour', in Theory and

Society, 10, 1981, pp. 337–58. This was an important article in contextualiz-

ing and explaining the significance of the concept of the division of labour,

comparing Durkheim's position with that of other important figures.

Lewis Coser, 'Introduction' to Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labour in

Society, trans. W.D.Halls, London, Macmillan, 1984, pp. ix–xxiv. An intro-

duction to the new translation of Durkheim's first major work.

Roger Cotterrell, Emile Durkheim: Law in a Moral Domain, Edinburgh, Edin-

burgh University Press, 1999. Cotterrell provides a lucid treatment of

Durkheim's legal theory. It also attempts to overcome some of the problems

in Durkheim's sociology of law, as it appears in The Division of Labour in

Society, particularly by drawing on his later work on religion, moral educa-

tion and collective representations.

Leon Sheleff, 'From Restitutive Law to Repressive Law: Durkheim's The Divi-

sion of Labour in Society revisited', European Journal of Sociology, 16, 1,

1975, pp. 16–45. Another critical review and a consideration of various sug-

gested modifications to Durkheim's thesis.

Carmen J.Sirianni, 'Justice and the division of labour: a reconsideration of

Durkheim's Division of Labour in Society ', The Sociological Review, 32 , 3,

1984, pp. 449–70. A useful article in appreciating some of the theoretical

tensions in Durkheim's account of changes in the division of labour.

3. METHODOLOGY AND EPISTEMOLOGY

Mike Gane, On Durkheim's Rules of Sociological Method, London and New

York, Routledge, 1988. A major appraisal of Durkheim's method in which

Gane situates Durkheim's arguments within the intellectual context of the

time and corrects some errors in previous accounts.

Steven Lukes, 'Introduction' to Emile Durkheim, The Rules of Sociological

Method, trans. W.D.Halls, London, Macmillan, 1982. A lucid, but critical,

introduction to a new translation of Durkheim's Rules.

REVISED ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SECONDARY SOURCES 141

Warren Schmauss, Durkheim's Philosophy of Science and the Sociology of

Knowledge, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1994. Shows how the

way in which one interprets Durkheim's methodology and epistemology has

implications for the way in which his sociology is understood.

4. SUICIDE

W.S.F.Picketing and G.Walford (eds), Durkheim's Suicide : A century of

research and debate, London, Routledge, 2000. Reassessments of

Durkheim's work on suicide.

Whitney Pope, Durkheim's Suicide: A Classic Analyzed, Chicago, Chicago

University Press, 1978. The first full-length treatment of Suicide.

J.D.Douglas, The Social Meanings of Suicide, Princeton, Princeton University

Press, 1967. A critique of Durkheim's approach, and an advocacy of a more

phenomenological approach.

S.Taylor, Durkheim and the Study of Suicide, New York, St. Martin's Press,

1982. A good critical review.

5. RELIGION AND SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE

N.J.Allen, W.S.F.Pickering and W.Watts Miller (eds), On Durkheim's Elemen-

tary Forms of Religious Life, London, Routledge, 1998. A symposium cover-

ing many aspects of Durkheim's work on religion and the sociology of

knowledge.

W.S.F.Pickering (ed.), Durkheim on Religion, London and Boston, Routledge

and Kegan Paul, 1975. Selections from Durkheim's writings on religion are

included along with some of the early criticisms of his work in this field.

W.S.F.Pickering, Durkheim's Sociology of Religion: Themes and Theories,

London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1984. A searching examination of the

strengths and weaknesses of Durkheim's writings on religion.

Peter M.Worsely, 'Emile Durkheim's Theory of Knowledge', Sociological

Review, 4 , 1, 1956, pp. 47–62. A classic appraisal of Durkheim's sociology

of knowledge.

6. POLITICS

Anthony Giddens (ed.), Durkheim on Politics and the State, Stanford, CA, Stan-

ford University, 1986. Giddens' Introduction to this book, and the selection

of writings, set the record straight about the extent to which Durkheim had

laid the basis of a political sociology.

Frank Pearce, The Radical Durkheim, 2nd edn, Toronto, Canadian Scholars

142 EMILE DURKHEIM

Press. Pearce disentangles the different political discourses in Durkheim's

work—conservative, liberal and socialist. He then goes on to emphasize the

egalitarian socialist elements and the concern for justice and solidarity as

well the vision of the state as socially productive.

W.S.F.Pickering and W.Watts Miller (eds), Individualism and Human Rights in

the Durkheimian Tradition, Oxford, Centre for Durkheimian Studies, 1993.

Another useful collection of essays from the British Centre for Durkheimian

Studies, this time on politics and human rights.

Kenneth Thompson (ed.), Durkheim, Europe and Democracy, Oxford, British

Centre for Durkheimian Studies, 1997. Contains essays on Durkheim's think-

ing on democracy, citizenship, civil society, and Europe.

M.S.Cladis, A communitarian defence of liberalism: Emile Durkheim and con-

temporary social theory, Stanford, CA, Stanford University Press, 1992. A

significant contribution to the liberal individualism versus communitarianism

debate using Durkheimian arguments.

7. EDUCATION AND MORALS

Geoffrey Walford and W.S.F.Pickering (eds), Durkheim and Modern Educa-

tion, London, Routledge, 1998. Durkheim's ideas on education are analysed

and placed in the context of modern society and current educational issues

are explored using a Durkheimian framework.

W.Watts Miller, Durkheim, Morals and Modernity, London, UCL Press, 1996.

This is a challenging argument that Durkheim's sociology of the modern

world has often been misunderstood because of a failure to explore and grasp

the ethical theory at the heart of his work.

M.Cladis (ed.), Durkheim and Foucault : perspectives on education and punish-

ment, Oxford, Durkheim Press, 1998. A collection of articles drawing out the

similarities and differences between the ideas of Durkheim and Foucault on

social regulation.

Bryan S.Turner, Preface to Emile Durkheim, Professional Ethics and Civic

Morals, trans. Cornelia Brookfield, London and New York, Routledge, new

edition 1992, pp. xiii-xlii. Bryan Turner provides a substantial new introduc-

tion to this work, showing the topical relevance of Durkheim's ideas on

morals and politics.

8. MISCELLANEOUS

P.Besnard (ed.), The Sociological Domain, Cambridge, Cambridge University

Press, 1983. Good on the background and origins of the Durkheimian school

of sociology in France.

W.S.F.Pickering and H.Martins (eds), Debating Durkheim, London and New

REVISED ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SECONDARY SOURCES 143

York, Routledge, 1994. Covers some of the key debates about Durkheim's

thought.

Robert Alun Jones, 'An Introduction to the Durkheim Site on the Internet',

Durkheimian Studies, 7, 2001, pp. 91–100. The most substantial website con-

cerned with Durkheim is The Durkheim Pages (

www.relst.uiuc.edu/

durkheim). established and maintained by Jones at the University of Illinois.

He has also established a Durkheim listserv address (DURKHEIM-L@)

postoffice.cso.uiuc.edu) to which anyone can post a message.

British Centre for Durkheimian Studies can be found at www.rsl.ox.uk/isca .

then search for 'British Centre for Durkheimian Studies'.

Durkheimian Studies/Etudes Durkheimiennes is published once a year by the

British Centre for Durkheimian Studies, Institute of Social and Cultural

Anthropology, 51 Banbury Road, Oxford OX2 6PE, UK.

144 EMILE DURKHEIM

Index

Abercrombie, Nicholas, 112

alienation, 61 , 67

Alpert, Harry, 118

Althusser, Louis, 9

altruism, 57

American Indians, 11 , 58 , 100 , 104 , 114

American Journal of Sociology, 5, 7

analogy, organic, 84

electricity, 46

Ancient City, The (Foustel de Coulanges),

1, 5, 17

Anglican Church, (Church of England),

88, 94

Annales:

Economies, sociétés, civilisations, 5 , 28

Année sociologique, 4 , 5 , 15, 27, 30, 38,

39, 100, 127, 130

anomie, 8 , 61 , 65 , 89

acute economic, 89

chronic economic, 89

acute domestic, 89

chronic domestic, 89

anti-semitism, 1 , 29

Arunta, 110

Australian aborigines, 11 , 100 , 104 109,

110, 113

Azande, 110

Barnes, John, 70

Bau und Leben des sozialen Körpers

(Schäffle), 3

Becker, Howard, 70

Bellah, Robert, 107 , 112

Berger, Peter L., 109

Bergson, Henri, 16

Bernard, Claude, 85

Bernstein, Basil, 116

Birnbaum, Norman, 112

Bhuddism, 102

Bloch, Marc, 5 , 6

Bordeaux, University of, 21 , 23, 26, 36,

127, 131

Bouglé, Célestin, 4 , 39

boundary crises, 112

Boutroux, Emile, 1 , 17

Braudel, Fernand, 5 , 27

Brunetière, Ferdinand, 29

bureaucracy, bureaucratic, 118 , 127

Capital (Marx), 127, 130

capitalism, capitalist, 52 , 118 , 127 , 127

Catholics, Catholicism, 87 , 95

causality, 4 , 82 , 110 , 114

Chicago, University of, 8

China, 28

Christian and Judaeo-Christian, 110

church, 104

cities, 58

clans and clan organization, 25 , 98 , 104

classes, 134

class conflict, 66 , 118, 122, 127

classification, 113

and ideal types, 76

collective mind, 3

communism, 129

comparison, and comparative-historical

method, 77 , 83

Comte, Auguste, 1 , 1 , 5 , 17 , 18 , 23 , 37,

38, 77

conflict, 63 , 68 , 84

145

conscience, Collective (collective con-

science or consciousness), 43 , 57 , 63

consolidation, 49 , 75

contract, 56

control, 116

corporatism, 10

corroboree, 106

cosmology, 100 , 105

crime, 48 , 50, 58 , 97 , 112

criticism of Durkheim's ideas, on The

Rules, 78, 80, 84

on The Elementary Forms, 110

on Suicide, 92

on Primitive Classification, 113

on Professional Ethics and Civic

Morals, 130

on Socialism, 130

cult, 109

of the individual, 4 , 63

culture, 57 , 63 , 64

Darwin, Charles, 55

Davy, Georges, 15

democracy, 16

density of society, 58 , 63 , 106

and moral density, 58

Deploige, Simon, 24

determinism, 101

deviance, 70 , 96, 112

dilettantism, 30

Division of Labour in Society, The, 4, 10,

20, 33, 50, 52, 72, 82, 119

divorce, 89

Douglas, Jack D., 93

Douglas, Mary, 104 , 116

Dreyfus Affair, 1 , 29

duality of human nature, 35 , 57

DuBow, Fred, 71

Durkheim, Emile, life and intellectual

background, 15

Ecole Normale Supérieure (ENS), 1 , 15

economics, 41 , 46, 55 , 63 , 120 , 127

social economists or Socialists of the

Chair, 21 , 127

education, 8 , 92 , 131

educational doctrines and ideologies,

80, 133

Education and Sociology, 132

effervescence, 106 , 110

egoism, 57

Eldridge, John, 67 , 127

Elementary Forms of the Religious Life,

The, 11,33 , 51 , 97

emotion, 114

Epinal, Vosges, 15

epistemology, 85

equality, and equality of opportunity, 62,

119

equilibrium, social, 65

Erikson, Kai T., 112

Espinas, Alfred, 23

Ethik (Wundt), 21

ethnography, 77 , 100

Evans-Pritchard, E.E., 110

evolution, 50 , 52 , 55 , 110

Evolution of Educational Thought, The,

72, 132

explanation, interpretative, 110

Exposition Universelle, 38 , 127

externality of social facts, 42 , 79

family, 124 , 127

fascism, 127

Fauconnet, Paul, 40

Febvre, Lucien, 5 , 28

Ferry, Jules, 16

Filloux, Jean-Claude, 10

Flanders, Allan, 68

Fox, Alan, 67

Franco-Prussian War, 1 , 1

French Revolution, and ideals of, 1 , 36,

63, 106, 118

Freud, Sigmund, 85

functionalism, 7 , 33 , 83 , 110

Fustel de Coulanges, 1 , 5, 17

Gambetta, Léon, 16

German, and German thought, 22

Gernet, Louis, 28

Giddens, Anthony, 118

Ginsberg, Morris, 34

Gouldner, Alvin, W., 19 , 30

Granet, Marcel, 28

groups, 4 , 75 , 95 , 121 , 133

group mind, 45

Grundriss der Soziologie (Gumplowicz), 2

Guesde, J., 28

guilds, 92 , 96

guild socialism, 127

146 EMILE DURKHEIM

Gurvitch, Georges, 40

Halbwachs, Maurice, 39

Herberg, Will, 110

hereditary constitution, 78

Herr, Lucien, 28

Hirst, Paul Q., 85

history, historians, 5 , 77 , 133

Holleaux, Maurice, 16

horde, 58 , 76

Horton, John, 67

Hubert, Henri, 39

humanism, humanist, 79 , 134

Human Relations School, 66

ideal, idealism, 76

ideology, 8 , 80 , 98 , 112 , 124, 129 , 132

Ihering (see Jhering), R. von, 21 , 37

inheritance, 10 , 119

individual, and individualism, 29 , 63 , 109,

118

methodological individualism, 35

moral individualism, 133

industry, industrialisation, industrialism,

66, 118, 120, 129

institutions, 40 , 43 , 46 , 64

institutionalization, 18 , 64

Iroquois, 58 , 78

Jakobson, Roman, 115

Jaurès, Jean, 16 , 28

Jhering, R, von, 21

Kant, I., 17 , 108 , 113

Kantianism, 113

kinship, 8 , 115

knowledge, sociology of, 97 , 100 , 113

categories of, 98

LaCapra, Dominick. 9

Lacroix, Bernard, 112

language, linguistics, 3 , 115

Lassalle, F., 127

law, 58 , 68

repressive, 58

restitutive, 58

Lévi-Strauss, Claude, 1 , 104 , 114

Lévy-Bruhl, Lucien, 28

Liard, Louis, 1 , 21

Littré, M.P.E., 16

Luckmann, Thomas, 109

Lukes, Steven, 114 , 134

magic, 104

Malinowski, Bronislaw, 70

mana, 105

Manchester School, 55

materialism, Marxist historical, 49 , 76

Marx, Karl, and Marxism, 2 , 4, 15 , 18, 56,

66, 72, 85, 92, 130, 135

Mauss, Marcel, 4 , 15, 39 , 113

Merton, Robert K., 96

metaphoric-parallelism, 110 , 112

metaphysics and metaphysical, 3

methodology, 18

milieu, internal, 74

Mills, C.Wright, 70

Monod, Gabriel, 17

Montesquieu, C-L. de Secondat, Baron, 18

Moral Education, 132

morals, morality, 120 , 131

More, Thomas, 129

morphology, social, 42 , 47 , 49 , 64 , 73 , 77

multi-layered model of social phenomena,

4, 43 , 91 , 110

myths, mythology, 45 , 98, 104

nation, nationalism, 125

Nisbet, Robert, 33

normality, as opposed to pathological, 50,

61, 81

norms, 48

Notes critiques: sciences sociales, 28

occupational groups and corporations, 19,

52, 96, 121

organic analogy. 66 , 75

organicism, 20

Owen, Robert, 129

Paris, and University of, 26 , 27 , 131

Parsons, Talcott, 8 , 9, 33, 85 , 118

patriotism, 125

petitio principii, 110

INDEX 147

phenomenology, 93

Piganiol, André, 6

Plato, 129

politics, 4 , 10 , 118

Pope, Whitney, 93 , 97

Poole, Michael, 68

population, 49, 51, 58, 63

Primitive Classification, 113

profane, as opposed to sacred, 48 , 103,

106, 110

Professional Ethics and Civic Morals, 118

property, inheritance of, 121

Protestantism, 87 , 94 , 95

psychology, psychological explanation,

101

punishment and penal systems, 58 , 68

Radcliffe-Brown, A.R., 8 , 33

Renaissance, 134

religion, 30 , 97

Renouvier, C., 17 , 18

representations, collective, 43 , 57 , 73 , 101

revolution, 118

Revue francaise de sociologie, 9

Revue philosophique, 2

Riesman, David, 70

rituals, rites (negative, positive and piacu-

lar), 98 , 101, 102 , 106, 116

Rivista italiana di sociologia, 9

Roberts, David, 127 , 131

Rules of Sociological Method, The, 10 , 33,

sacred, sacredness, 48 , 103 , 106 , 110

Saint-Simon, C.H. de, 18 , 129

sanctions, 48 , 57 , 58

Schäffle, Albert, 3 , 20

Scheleff, Leon S., 69

Schmoller, G., 21 , 37

science, 10, 37 , 38 , 130

segmental social structure, 58 , 76, 78

Shils, Edward, 112

Simiand, Francois, 39

Simmel, Georg, 6

Sioux, 114

Small, Albion, 13

Smith, Adam, 53

Smith, W.Robertson, 25

social change, 63

social currents, 45 , 91

social facts, 42 , 50, 79, 86

social interaction, 75

socialism, 2 , 10 , 20 , 28 , 127

Socialists of the Chair, the, 127

social realism, 93

social solidarity, 52

social species, 50 , 78

society, in Durkheim's thought, 34

Sociological Society, The, 4, 8

sociology, origins of, 1 , 37

its nature and programme, 4 , 7, 27, 34,

115

definitions and concepts, 18 , 40 80

in Europe and America, 5 , 27 , 96

of knowledge, 100 , 108

solidarism and solidarity, 30 , 119, 127

mechanical solidarity, 56 , 116

organic solidarity, 56 , 116

Sorel, Georges, 127

Spencer, Herbert, 3 , 5, 21 , 23, 35, 46, 54,

58, 75, 77, 103, 125

State, the, 8 , 17 , 55 , 61 , 69 , 119 , 121 , 124

statistics, 93 , 94

stratification, 8

structural conceptions and structuralism,

3, 4 , 6 , 40 , 44 , 104 , 115

structural-functionalism, 7 , 84

substratum, 4 , 49

Suicide, 11 , 33 , 45 , 51 , 86

supernatural, 101

Swanson, Guy, 112

symbols and symbolization, 75 , 105 , 107,

112

syndicalism, 127

taboo, 106

Tawney, R.H., 127

Thompson, Kenneth, 12

Tönnies, Ferdinand, 55

Tosti, Gustavo, 13

totem and totemism, 25 , 98, 104 , 110, 115

utilitarianism, 46

volunantarist, 118

Wagner, A.H.G., 21 , 37

Warner, W. Lloyd, 8

Weber, Max, 15 , 107 , 127

witchcraft and witch-hunts, 112

148 EMILE DURKHEIM

Worsley, Peter, 114

wundt, Wilhelm, 21

Young, Michael, 112

Zuni, 114

INDEX 149

... According to Ritzer (2010), there are four types of non-material social facts refers to the Durkheim's thoughts, namely morality, collective conscience, collective representation, and social flow. Thompson (2002) reveals that Durkheim approached the theme of conflict with the view that the social world is a system of limited forces (morality) that complement each other to create a balance. Collins (1988) adds that Durkheim makes an important contribution to social stratification in conflict theory, which values and norms define a social class and moral solidarity in conflict-affected groups. ...

Muhamad Fadhil Nurdin

In the context of conflict on communal land ownership between Lewobunga and Lewonara Villages, in East Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia this article found that not all the western sociological theories are relevant to analyze social conflicts in Indonesia which culturally diverse in the both villages. Generally, this article attempts to examine two main issues. First, to examine the existing sociological theories in relations with the local communal land ownership in Indonesia. Second, to examine the sociological theories in the context of communal land ownership conflict between Lewonara and Lewobunga villages. This is qualitative research with Hermeneutic Reproductive approach and the result of this article obtained from the fieldwork data.

Jonathan D. Shaffer

Medical sociology and science and technology studies (STS) emerged from different positions, but often closely related concerns, within the broad discipline of sociology. Their interface and areas of overlap have mostly been shaped by theoretical positions broadly considered "social constructionist." Taken together, these perspectives provide empirical and theoretical tools to analyze important questions about how social inequalities, forms of scientific knowledge, and patterns of human health come to be produced and feedback into one another. Examining their intersection enables sociological questions such as: How is medical and public health scientific knowledge produced, stabilized, and taken as fact? How are scientific facts about health and illness used, experienced, and challenged? What is the relationship between health inequalities and public health or medical knowledge? This article seeks to briefly trace the important contributions that social constructionist research has made at the interstices of medical sociology and STS, further clarifying the history, points of intersection, and areas of diversion between them. The current COVID‐19 pandemic has unveiled the political struggles that constitute public health scientific knowledge and circulation. The interface between STS and medical sociology can help us to make sense of the interrelationships between politics, power inequalities, and public health scientific knowledge.

Ronjon Paul Datta
Ariane Hanemaayer

This paper elucidates a range of the potentials and limitations of nominalist sensibilities in social theory through an examination of their presence in Durkheim and Weber. Nominalism, which emerged in early modern western thought, holds that only individual particular cases exist and that there are no universals or generalities beyond mentally or linguistically constructed concepts; it also introduced new conceptions of will and voluntarism. Nominalism was variously transposed into classical social theories including those of Durkheim and Weber. In our theoretical methodology, we assess tensions between nominalist and realist visualities and modes of reasoning in their works. We conclude by discussing assessments of nominalism, attending to its enduring critical contributions while also explicating a reflexive critique of nominalism as mimetic of chaotic and pathological forms of social organisation.

The rise of nation-states created new spaces for scholarship. The development of sociology has been shaped, both institutionally and intellectually, by different national contexts. This paper looks at the development of the social sciences, and sociology in particular, in little Belgium. We first discuss the work and the international ambitions of the social physicist and homo statisticus Adolphe Quetelet. Next we look at the ideological rivalry between the emerging sociological centers in and around the universities of Brussels and Louvain in the decades around 1900. Afterwards we discuss the growing divergence between the French- and Dutch-speaking scientific communities and the development of different sociologies within Belgium in more recent decades. We conclude with a discussion of the internationalization imperatives currently imposed by Belgian universities and funding agencies.

Salla Tuomivaara

This chapter frames Westermarck's and Durkheim's careers and classical sociology in the era of industrialization, urbanization and modernizing science. Especially the changes in human–animal relations and in our understanding of human-animal continuity are discussed. This chapter shows how Westermarck and Durkheim were positioned amidst this transforming landscape of new ideas of human and animal and changing human societies. The influences and legacy of Durkheim and Westermarck, in addition to their biographical information, are also presented.

Iran is in economic crisis and anomic situation particularly from the last decade. The economic crisis has social consequences. Aspirations are one of factors and one of mechanisms that transform economic crisis to social problems and social deviance. In fact, economic crises drive out the aspirations and goals of individuals, especially the desire for money and wealth from its conventional limits. Then, unlimited aspirations cause social problems. On this base, problem of this research is: what are levels of youth aspirations especially anomic aspirations and their consequences? Research method is survey, and the population is youth of 20-35 in Tehran. The results showed that money is the first aspiration of one quarter of the youth. The results of the anomic aspirations scale indicate that the anomic aspiration is high among 9% of the respondents and at the average for 21% of them. Consequences of these aspirations are anomia, helplessness, relative deprivation, Dissatisfaction with life and in the last, committing deviant behaviors. These findings verify the theoretical framework of research and show that aspirations and goals are important factors in shaping attitude and behavior and can be used as an indicator for measurement of anomic situation. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- https://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article-1-2992-fa.pdf

Raf Vanderstraeten

Argument This paper examines the early institutionalization of sociology in Belgium. It displays how different intellectual and social contexts bred their own research interests and research approaches. It shows, more particularly, how ideological affiliations and divisions defined the setting within which this new discipline had to develop in Belgium in the decades around 1900. As a consequence of the ideological controversies, sociology had difficulty gaining legitimacy as a theory-driven analysis of society. Most scholars in Belgium could not avoid taking an explicitly normative position on society. This paper also displays how secularization and the reinforcement of the international level and its infrastructure gradually allowed for more academic autonomy for sociology in Belgium.

Jennifer Wilkinson

This chapter argues that, because of the way the debates have been framed, it is hard to see the contribution friendship makes to community, neighbour relations and the public sphere, particularly in the case of women. Much of the research has involved working-class communities, with a predominant focus on men to the exclusion of connections between women. And yet, women have always joined with other women, as friends and neighbours, and also by organizing politically to change some aspect of society. By confining women to isolation and invisibility within the private domestic sphere, much of the debate around community and neighbourhood has failed to recognize the public significance of what women do within their neighbourhood networks. The chapter concludes with a call to rethink community.

ALEJANDRO JINICH

This case explores a research and consulting engagement whose goal was to build an investment case for a new type of 21st century gym for the spirit, mind, and body. The client, a group of well-funded U.S. entrepreneurs, wanted to design and launch a venture that would be positioned to serve the emerging spiritual needs of the proximal future (2–15 years). While the founders were themselves involved in meditation, belief-dependent realism, and a loose collection of westernized oriental and mystic practices and beliefs, they had not yet defined the venture's specific offering. They suspected that (a) the dominant sociocultural climate of rationalism (e.g. rationalized life choices/paths derived from rationalized worldviews, disengaged relationship with the body and emotion, cynically-motivated wealth creation, etc.) and the lack of embodied and experience-based decision-making and living practices were at the core of a generalized social malaise, and that (b) decoding it and designing a venture to target it, if done right, had the potential to catalyze a movement that could be both highly socially beneficial and lucrative. The case describes the journey to design a research methodology to validate, qualify, and expand their theory, study spirituality in U.S. culture, map the relation of spiritual needs to salient psychosocial problems, create a predictive theory about the future evolution of human spiritual and personal transformation needs, and design a business venture that would serve those needs, be broadly appealing to the U.S. public, and become a profitable company. The end product is multiple things at once: a service, a set of beliefs and practices, a philosophy, an intelligible, intelligent, and attractive system, a community, and a business, and the difficulty designing it and studying a topic as blurry, diffuse, and totalizing as spirituality and how it engenders individuals' relationship to reality and collective culture presents a particularly interesting opportunity to discuss how a hybrid research methodology of socio-historical research, ethnographic fieldwork, and semiotic analysis provides the correct focus with which to study and theorize around such a slippery subject.

The view that religion, or more generally common culture, can be manipulated to the political advantage of the dominant class can be traced back through the rational criticism of the Enlightenment philosophes to Plato's 'golden lie'. However, the main impetus for contemporary analysis of dominant ideologies comes from Marx and Engels' The German Ideology and, partly through the influence of Marxism on the sociology of knowledge, the thesis occurs in many areas of sociological research, particularly in studies of politics and culture. Its argument is, very basically, that there is in most class societies a pervasive set of beliefs that broadly serves the interests of the dominant class. This dominant ideology is then adopted by subordinate classes which are thereby prevented from formulating any effective opposition. A number of assumptions and implications in this conventional position require further examination, in particular the notion that capitalist societies require a dominant ideology to ensure the continuing political superiority of the dominant class.

Harry Alpert

The richness of Durkheim's sociological contributions is revealed in the variety of positions and movements with which he has been identified. Durkheim's conditional endorsement of historical research is described. Three dominant features of Durkheimian sociology are, first, its philosophical orientation; second, its scientific emphasis; and, third, its identification of the social as a reality sui generis. Note is made of the numerous studies inspired by Durkheim's sociological perspectives.

Thomas M. Kando

The history of the French review journal founded by Durkheim reflects the changing state of the discipline and the waning influence of its founder. The articles have become more empirical and the book review section reveals a decline of interest in religion and moral sociology and increased interest in modern areas such as social psychology. As sociology has gradually developed the more or less consensually recognized domain and identity which are hers today, "l'Annee Sociologique" has become one of the journals incorporated into this mainstream.

Source: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/47136994_Emile_Durkheim

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